Note on the Conference given by the Feminist Lawyer, Dr. María Guadalupe Ramos Ponce

Note on the Conference given by the Feminist Lawyer, Dr. María Guadalupe Ramos Ponce at the Casa de la América Latina located in Brussels on March 9, 2020 within the framework of the International Day for the Rights of Women and Girls.

One day after their participation in the March 8 march that takes place annually in Brussels and in support of the strike called by women for March 9 in Mexico. The feminist lawyer Guadalupe Ramos gave the conference Dialogues: Femicidal Violence and Human Rights of Women. New forms of violence against the diversity of women and access to justice. She presented the premiere of the #NosVanAVerJuntas campaign, a video that shows a message of solidarity and hope.

It is due to the uncontrolled increase in femicides that shot up in 2006 and increases each year at the national level that Dr. Guadalupe Ramos, a member of the National Citizen Observatory of Femicide, undertook the task of systematizing cases in the Jalisco state. It explains that only an equally patriarchal justice can end a patriarchal system of impunity in the face of sexist murders and violence suffered by women and girls. This exponential increase, he says, can be verified with comparative figures, in 1997 there were 34 murders of women, currently those 34 murders have only been carried out from January to March 2020. This situation of alarm and fear on the part of women has led them to mobilize and generate self-managed protection actions by the same citizens and family members. The violence and cruelty with which they are executed, disappeared and the support structure that revictimizes them or ignoring the urgency of preventing and exercising justice. It is the impunity and absence of a gender perspective that the authorities at all levels allow security to continue without being achieved or guaranteed as stipulated in the agreements ratified by Mexico to eradicate violence as mentioned in the Do Pará Convention and in accordance with the CEDAW recommendations.

In her book Study of Femicide in Jalisco, published in 2015 by the University of Guadalajara, the academic and full-time professor explains how young women with basic studies and between the ages of 21 and 30 are the main victims.

In her work as a defender and activist, she accompanies the victims’ relatives and survivors with different activities and organizes awareness-raising, prevention and reporting campaigns to warn of negligence on the part of the authorities and to point out the failures in the administration of justice. Member of the Latin American and Caribbean Committee for the Defense of Women’s Rights, confirms how it is that through the patriarchal and domestic system that women live in constant violence both inside their homes and on the street and In none of these areas is a free and safe space to walk, inhabit and coexist.

In his presentation, he shared the following “official figures reveal a serious context of feminicide that is increasing, from 2015 to 2019 15,804 murders of women were committed, of which 3,751 were investigated as feminicide, that is, 23.7%; In 2019 alone, 3,825 women were murdered, 1006 cases are investigated as femicide. Regarding the problem of missing women and girls, according to information from the State Prosecutors’ Offices of 9 states [1] of the country, in 2019 7, 654 women and girls disappeared, of which 5,533 were found alive, 85 were located lifeless and 2,043 remain to be located.

That is why, with the launch of the #NOSVANAVERJUNTAS campaign, we endorse our accompaniment in this journey among us as defenders and with the mothers and relatives of victims of femicide in the face of a serious and adverse climate. In the demand for the cessation of femicide violence, an end to impunity and the search for justice:

NOSVANAVERJUNTAS because in Mexico they are killing us. Every day, ten women are murdered by men, because they believe they can do it without consequences: shut up, rape us, disappear us, take our lives out of jealousy, hatred, abuse of power, because we are women. ” Notes extracted from the presentation given on 03-09-2020.

Link to access the video of the conference:

Written by: Thamara Cruz on March 2020.

[1] These states are: Morelos, State of Mexico, Mexico City, Guerrero, Chihuahua, Puebla, Oaxaca, Colima and Coahuila.

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Book presentation In times of death: bodies, rebellions, resistance. Solano, Xochitl & Icaza, Rosalba. (2019)

Press release

Book presentation In times of death: bodies, rebellions, resistance. Solano, Xochitl & Icaza, Rosalba. (2019) with the presence of one of the coordinators of the publication, Dr. Rosalba Icaza Garza who read the text of Xóchitl Leyva Solano, held on March 7, 2020 at the Espace Kerckheer located in Brussels. In dialogue with the presence of Dr. Guadalupe Ramos Ponce and the moderation by Thamara Cruz.

In the midst of the uncertainty of COVID-19, students, artists, activists and trade unionists from different regions of Belgium attended the presentation. At the beginning of the presentation, Rosalba invites introspection from gratitude and the importance of being together and assessing the possibility of the community. She herself declares herself an activist, feminist and academic aware of the situation of being a migrant and living in countries with a colonialist and operationist background of extractivism. Faced with them, he resists the counterproposal of generating collectivity as an alternative to thinking that leads to dialogue and encouraging the opening of spaces that question epistemologies, unlearning, debate and access to innovation, generate creativity: social, artistic, validate contributions from other knowledge. It is from the feeling that she emerges in the Caribbean resistance, she explains to us, how the possibilities of other nuances of analysis extend, other tasks that validate facts and realities. This digital publication, he also comments, is a compilation produced in an artisanal, collective and self-managed way with free access to circulate and serve as a tool book from Abya Yala. With the aim of discussing it to reformulate positions, rethink values ​​and knowledge of the academy towards activism. The publication consists of twenty-three interventions divided into four parts in the first one, the current time is analyzed and how the bodies of women, young people and girls are being, regardless of the place, annihilated, disappeared, consumed until there is a daily and normalized violence. The second part deals with the forces that give life and are undone through the struggles of the territory, learning from the erotic and breaking into the hegemonic vision of the academic as we know them today. It is in the body-territory that other ways of experiencing pleasure are experienced, the interpretation of territory-body-earth. In the third part, it is considered how the body-politician / body-space is a mobilizing force for activism and questions the norms of gender, race and class and from there how in migration sexuality is interpreted by others. Through dance, music reinvents itself again and explains other ways to resist. In the fourth part, historical terms and categories that arise in the hegemonic enlightenment are reviewed, it is proposed to go beyond only recognizing ourselves as women, men and social constructions such as patriarchy and considering themselves Spanish-speaking, it seeks to vindicate traditional knowledge. And finally, there are the proposals of women poets through the renaming and forming collective groups that build archives and reinterpret identity, life through the recovery of memory, flavors, ingredients and merge in food. . These spaces to generate political dialogues and devise post-capitalist life. The book closes with a poem and the presentation with a reading aloud of the poem I am a woman who resist by Itandehui Olivera.

This book is the result of three years of cognitive justice work integrated by the following Latin American, Caribbean and Afro-descendant authors: Irma Alicia Velásquez, Lorena Cabnal, Moira Millán, Betty Ruth Lozano, Emma Chirix, Gloria Wekker and Andil Gosine, Yurdekis Espinosa, Daniel B. Coleman, Female Battalions and Loba Franca, Virgina Vargas, Wendy Harcourt, Aura Cumes, Paulina Trejo SAT, Itandehui Olivera, Patricia Botero, Teresa María Díaz, ISS Students, The Black Archives, Ijeoma Umebinyuo, Camila Pascal, Isabel Tello and Sofía Carballo in the coordination Rosalba Icaza Garza and Xóchitl Leyva Solano. All of them in struggle proposing a resistance and claiming spaces destined for study, analysis that allow discussion, debate towards projects and exchange of other knowledge. From Editorial Retos this is the fourth volume of a series that is downloadable and free access from the site,,

You can access the presentation of the book through the following link:

Text by: Thamara Cruz

March 2020.




by Gabriela Sepúlveda *

Berenice Osorio and Jessica Astorga are part of the common fabric and mythology of the migrant woman. Despite contributing to 48.4% of total migration in 2017 [1], the figure and stories of migrant women are reproduced outside the popular imagination.

The phenomenon of migrant women is woven with various threads – some economic, others social, cultural and legal – these diverse experiences are individually co-conceptualized, despite existing interactively and creating multiple realities.

Several of the realities of migrant women are traced in the lives of Berenice and Jessica: the two Latin American women in love with European men migrate to Europe with the intention of reuniting their families, the two die in 2018, victims of femicide in French-speaking countries. Something additional in the minds of Latina migrants is the idea that in Europe there is justice, that is, in the ideal that in first world countries they will be better defended, which is not true, they are alone.

The term femicide is at once a legal, political and cultural category, defined as the murder of a woman for reasons that have their origin in the myths and stereotypes associated with her gender. Femicides occur when a woman dies because she does not meet the expectations associated with the role of women in a society, a community, a family environment, or a legal system.

Unlike men whose murders occur at the hands of strangers, murders of women are perpetrated by individuals in their intimate circle, especially husbands and family members. [2] The term “feminicide” affirms that the patterns of violence that affect women have different dynamics than the violence that affects the male gender and therefore must be studied and fought in different and specific ways. [3]

The details of Berenice and Jessica’s lives will always belong solely and exclusively to them, no one can and should not imagine being able to say with certainty what their wishes, thoughts, feelings and motivations consisted of.

However, a respectful reconstruction and analysis of the phenomena that characterized their lives as migrant women – with data provided by relatives, media and institutions – can help us understand and reflect on how to prevent domestic violence and femicide against the collective of migrant women.

In the following report to understand this fact, it is with the intention of describing and analyzing what are the expectations associated with the role of women in cultures, societies, communities and legal systems that contribute to the phenomena of feminicide and domestic violence of Latin American women in Europe, and offer alternatives to these narratives based on international treaties against gender violence. The following study of the causes and vulnerabilities to femicide and domestic violence is structured in four parts: media culture, psychology, community and law.


In some of the European countries with the highest rate of social and economic development, such as France or Belgium, 51.4% and 49.4% respectively of citizenship permits are processed for migrant women [4]. Berenice, a Mexican woman, migrated to Kasterlees, Belgium to reside with her husband Tom P. whom she had met in his native land of Jalisco, Mexico. Together they had two children and on January 9 of this year Tom stabbed her to death.

Jessica Astorga, also Mexican, migrated to Lyon, France, to reside with her husband Pierre Labastida, whom she met in Mexico and who on August 12 of this year strangled her to death and then threw her lifeless body out the window – with the intention of feigning a sudden hysterical suicide provoked in the framework of a love quarrel.

Was this just the first of the times that traditional and stereotyped concepts of “love” and “hysteria” would serve Labastida? as an alibi to escape responsibility for the femicide.

Days after the authorities discovered what happened thanks to the forensic examination, the murderer’s mother – and her alleged cover-up – sent a series of abusive messages to the victim’s family in which she blamed Jessica for her own death, arguing that this “He had become obsessed with Pierre.”

It is common to see stereotypes about the “passionate” and “irrational” nature of women and romantic love in the media and judicial treatment of femicide. These traditional concepts about romantic love and women’s mental health serve as causal and justifying elements, reducing the responsibility and guilt of murderers and abusers of women – not only in the eyes of the community but also of justice institutions.

Several studies carried out during the last decade conclude that, as a general rule, cases of domestic violence are dealt with in judicial courts for crimes of less seriousness than those cases that present a similar degree of violence between people without any “romantic” past. It has also been concluded that cases of femicide carry lighter penalties and are even exonerated more frequently than other cases of homicide that present a similar degree of violence between people without any past as a couple. [5]

The paradigm of traditional romantic love is made with ideas of inordinate passion: if love justifies any act, any act is justified by love. However, outside the collective imagination, in the reality of couples and marriages, this conservative paradigm of romance has ended up feeding a legal system where killing for “love” is justified. The intentional or unintentional use of the concept of “love” is essential to silence the violence suffered by victims of domestic violence and femicide. It is essential and necessary to rethink certain cultural elements when their existence fuels violence.

A holistic response to domestic violence requires a change in the cultural narrative regarding the traditional stereotypes and myths that fuel intimate partner violence, especially by legal institutions and the media – as envisaged in the Article 17 of the Istanbul Convention, the European treaty against gender violence with the most ratifications, including France and Belgium.

Despite institutional efforts and the consensus on the moral need to eradicate domestic violence, it is still frequent to see newspapers that shift the responsibility of the murderer and blame the victims for their own femicides.

An unfortunate example is the treatment of the local Belgian press regarding the femicide of Berenice Osorio, whom they blamed as worthy of her own death for living with a partner with a violent past – Tom P. had a history of mistreatment with his ex-partner, and supposedly he had fights with Berenice that “the neighbors were used to” and that in 2013 had manifested itself in an alleged physical violence against Berenice in which the police intervened.

It is common to see arguments according to which being in a risky relationship makes the victim responsible for what may happen in this relationship. This argument fits within the framework of cultural reference of our times where individual responsibility seems to have no limits despite the dissonance that this idea may have with the reality of the phenomenon under study.

Femicides and violence against migrant women are treated in the same way by the media, that is, Belgian women of origin are also violated and murdered under similar treatment, the only difference is that Latin migrant women are at least at 9000 km away from their relatives and they have to go through structural violence from the institutions.

Studies carried out in the last decade on the causes of domestic violence and femicide agree that the motivations behind the difficulty in escaping from a situation of violence by a partner or family member are not explained or can be reduced to one personal will.

The complex reality of the causes of domestic violence and femicides in the particular case of migrant women is due to multiple factors. Migrant women experience social, psychological and economic precariousness specific to their immigrant status: social barriers created by learning a new language and culture, racism, lack of contact with the family support system and friends [6 ], in addition to the economic precariousness of migrant women who suffer a significantly higher unemployment and labor exploitation rate than native women – 16% and 8.5% respectively in France, 13.8% and 5.7 respectively in Belgium.

These factors intrinsically linked to the migration experience create emotional and isolation problems – ideal ingredients along with alcohol abuse, educational level, and disparity of women in an abusive relationship of emotional and economic dependency. Once the survival of the migrant woman depends on her partner, it is easy for him to begin to exercise greater control over her. According to a consensus of multiple studies carried out in the last decades, in different countries and in relation to different cultures and types of couples, control and jealousy are the most frequent cause and origin of exploitation and physical, psychological and sexual violence. [ 8] [9]

To understand the femicides of Berenice Osorio and Jessica Astorga, it is essential to understand that they are part of the common fabric and mythology of migrant women, but it is also important to emphasize the relevance of the other culture that they also shared – Latin America.

The marginalization experienced by migrant women in Europe is just as relevant to understanding the causes of the phenomenon of domestic violence and femicide, as is the marginalization experienced by women in Latin American societies.

A holistic study of the causes of violence against women cannot be reduced to an analysis of legal institutions, it must also incorporate a social analysis of the inequality of education and opportunities between men and women in the communities where they develop. Specific studies on cases of violence against Latin American women focus on the social genesis of violence in traditional notions of gender in Latino communities [10]: machismo and Marianism.

Marianism is a cultural term that defines the qualities that Latin American societies promote for a woman, both in the family, as an individual and as a couple. Marianism is essentially defined by the following characteristics: absolute and unconditional loyalty and personal devotion for the benefit of the family unit, obedience and submission to the husband and other men in the family, and labor sacrifice in caring for and maintaining the home [11].

Several studies show that the majority of Latina women who have survived or continue to live in conditions of domestic violence believe and fear that their families would not support their decision to separate from an abuser and would encourage them to continue in a dangerous relationship. [12] This environment where Latin American families and communities encourage women to maintain loyalty and submission to their partners even at the risk of their health and their lives is another of the fundamental components to understand why it is not possible to explain the phenomenon of domestic violence in the individual determination of the victim to continue in a risk relationship.

Women who migrate to European countries such as Jessica and Berenice often do so for the purpose and through the legal framework of family reunification. In Belgium, the reunification process of a couple begins with a certificate of residence for temporary reunification in which the municipal authorities ensure the joint residence of the couple during the first 6 months of migration.

Under the legal protection of the residence certificate for family reunification, the migrant woman does not receive any legal, administrative or social protection in the event of domestic violence – if she decides to report some type of violence by her husband, the Belgian government considers that she should be deported immediately after she decides to separate from her partner or move to a shelter or reception center for victims of domestic violence.

Even if there is evidence of physical violence, the Belgian state is no longer responsible for providing support and justice to a percentage of women who suffer violence in its territory, if they stop cohabiting with a Belgian resident or citizen. The lack of protection of the family reunification certificate creates an atmosphere of impunity and complicity with abusers whose partners have just migrated and are in one of the moments of greatest vulnerability, isolation, and dependence of the migratory process. The Belgian government provides a legal benefit for abusers who can control their victims by arbitrarily removing them from the common housing register, denouncing their flight from home or leaving the home or territory themselves in order to ensure the deportation of the woman to the one they abuse.

Once the Belgian government has verified that the migrant woman has been able to depend economically on the man through her work, her savings and her residence – she still cannot work – for 6 months, she is given a conditional residence permit. 3 to 5 years.

With a residence permit for reunification – the last step before the delivery of an autonomous and independent citizenship – legal protection continues to depend on cohabiting with your partner. However, the circulars of 2006/3 and 2006/4, specifically sections 11 and 42 Quater of the Aliens Act, partially protect the right of migrant women to live free from domestic violence and offer conditional legal protection in cases of reunification. .

Migrant women victims of domestic violence can only access legal protection from the Belgian government if they meet the following conditions:

  1. The victim of domestic violence does not depend on any public center for social assistance (CPAS).
  2. The victim of domestic violence maintains a “stable”, “regular” and “sufficient” income.
  3. The victim of domestic violence is affiliated with a health mutual.
  4. The victim of violence has access to housing considered “sufficient” for their needs.

If some of these conditions are not met, the government justifies the deportation of a migrant woman victim of domestic violence. That is, if the victim is poor or flees in a precarious emotional state that does not allow him to carry out the bureaucratic process of notifying the Immigration Center prior to the emergency exit – frequent in vulnerable conditions and the erratic nature of a flight of a violent partner – the government stops offering any kind of protection.

The 2006 legal amendments discriminate against poor women and those in situations of unforeseen separation. The Belgian government extends legal protection only to those migrants with economic and psychological stability in order to increase the deportation of those migrants who do not reflect an “exemplary” model while suffering circumstances of violence and abuse. By prioritizing anti-immigration rhetoric in legal protection for migrant women victims of domestic violence, the Belgian government forsakes and becomes complicit in the violence suffered by these women on its territory.

To avoid deportation, the migrant woman must provide a series of evidence, however the lack of stipulation regarding the definition of evidence is used by the authorities to reject evidence of psychological or economic violence and only consider cases of women victims of physical trauma – which directly violates several European treaties for the protection of women [13] – and also creates an environment where lawyers and help centers for victims of domestic violence should advise migrant women to stay in situations of violence until they escalate physical violence [14].

If the government only recognizes the rights of migrant women to live without domestic violence in its territory provided that the violence was physical, the government places migrant women in psychologically abusive relationships to choose between deportation or waiting for physical violence.

In the event that the victim of violence is not deported, their ex-partner will not be provided with an independent and autonomous legal status of residence, as is done with victims of human trafficking. Victims of domestic violence continue to be administratively linked to their ex-partner despite not living with her, which can create problems and administrative confusion regarding their access to citizenship. This legal protocol violates the European Council Convention on preventing and combating violence suffered by women and girls, which calls for the creation of an independent emergency residence permit for victims of domestic violence.

The Belgian legal response to the cases of official migrant women victims of violence is precarious, however, irregular migrant women are never considered as subjects that Belgian law must protect from domestic violence and therefore Belgian law considers their Femicides, rapes, physical, psychological and economic abuse do not merit any help from the authorities.

In addition to running a shelter service for victims of domestic violence, below the number of shelters stipulated in European regulations in two of the three Belgian federal zones [15] [16], the Belgian government excludes victims of domestic violence without roles of the funding system of these shelters.

Given this systemic exclusion from aid services, the Belgian government creates the necessary conditions so that shelters that decide to accept undocumented women end up in precarious economic situations, leading many of them to deny their support to these victims of the domestic violence.

The government enforces a culture of impunity for crimes committed against migrant women. To combat it, it is necessary to create a legal mechanism that allows victims of domestic violence in circumstances of irregular migration to access protection against violence and legal assistance for humanitarian reasons. However, the conditions of this law do not include a specific clause for domestic violence and therefore does not tend to protect them – despite the Belgian government’s humanitarian commitments to eliminate violence against women.

Governments must respect international treaties against violence against women and ensure that authorities at all levels provide non-discriminatory support for victims of domestic violence. This must manifest itself in a culture of zero tolerance for discrimination on racial or migratory grounds. The authorities’ support protocol for victims of domestic violence must guarantee that all officers are educated about the rights of victims in order to provide support that allows them to report [17], penalize and eliminate cases of police mistreatment. the victims, both with threats of deportation, loss of custody of their children or xenophobic violence.


Domestic violence and femicide are predictable phenomena and therefore can be prevented. They do not occur in the midst of unbridled passion and spontaneity – an analysis of the level of premeditation of a large number of femicides indicates almost identical levels of planning with homicide cases that do not involve couples or families. [18] However, to prevent A phenomenon like domestic violence and femicide requires strategies and changes in the mindset of our judicial systems, our myths, our cultures, our legal system and our communities.

In conclusion, to prevent, reduce and eliminate femicides, the cooperation of different social, cultural and political actors is necessary in order to re-educate our communities so that they can provide the support that women in situations of domestic violence need to separate themselves from safe way of a violent partner.

As envisaged in the Istanbul convention, it is necessary that legal systems and police authorities – at the national, regional and local levels – are trained to recognize the multifaceted nature of violence and are educated about the reality of psychological abuse and the economic dependence. [19] [20]

It is also necessary for judicial and police actors to have a more active collaboration and coordination with civil organizations for refuge and aid against domestic violence [21], so that prevention systems can be implemented in response to the manifestation of violence – for example, evacuating and maintaining continuous monitoring with homes where some type of violence has been registered. [22]

Finally, it is essential that authorities and civil organizations take into account the specific risks to the migrant women’s community and support organizations and shelters specialized in understanding and addressing, in a respectful and empathetic way, the vulnerability of migration and migration. patriarchal mentality of the communities of which migrant women are part. [2. 3]

In the case of Berenice and Jessica, all the data suggest that their femicides could have been prevented, if their respective governments had established the policies for the prevention and elimination of domestic violence that they promised to finance in the Istanbul treaty [ 24] and would have offered greater support to specialized integration and aid centers for Latin American migrant women. [1] UN MIGRATION REPORT 2017 [2] Patterns of violence against women are different from those against men

Globally, men are more likely to die as a result of armed con ict, interpersonal violence by strangers and suicide, while women are more likely to die at the hands of someone close to them, including husbands and other intimate partners. Thus, women are often emotionally involved with, and economically dependent upon, their aggressors.-> WHY IS FEMICIDE NOT INCLUSIVE OF MEN Murder, Gender and the Media: Narratives of Dangerous Love,Jane Monckton-Smith[3]En 2013 la Asamblea Parlamentaria Euro-Latinoamericana ““El feminicidio es un indicador crítico de la realidad de la violencia contra las mujeres en los diferentes países, y su extrema gravedad exige respuestas políticas e instrumentos adecuados y coordinados en los diferentes países, incluyendo en particular el trabajo de los poderes legislativos.”[4]Eurostat, Gender and age distribution of persons acquiring citizenship in the EU-28 and EFTA, 2016[5]Cammis 2006, Dawson 2013[6]La Belgique doit protéger toutes les femmes de la violence conjugale , RTBF, Coralie Hublau est chargée des questions de séjour au CIRÉ et membre de la Plate-forme associative ESPER- La plate-forme associative ESPER regroupe différentes associations (AWSA-Be, le Centre de prévention des violences conjugales et familiales, le CIRÉ et le MRAX)[7]Foreign-born unemployment and Native-born unemployment statistics, International Migration Outlook 2018, The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)[8]Homicides What issues underlie the predominant drive of DH perpetrators to seek revenge and cause harm? Of the 37 DHs here, 70.3 % occurred in the context of relationship separation, 62.2 % involved constant and violent jealousy, 54.1 % involved perpetrators who controlled most or all of the victims’ daily activities, 45.9 % involved new partners in the women’s lives, and 21.6 % occurred in the context of formal or informal child custody/access disputes. These variables appeared to be ab- sent in only 13.5 % of cases. P10 A Comparison of Domestic and Non-Domestic Homicides: Further Evidence for Distinct Dynamics and Heterogeneity of Domestic Homicide Perpetrators[9]Child and Women Abuse Studies Unit (CWASU) jealous and controlling behaviour should be considered as a critical risk factor (Coy & Kelly, 2011)[10]Counseling Latina Battered Women: A Qualitative Study of the Latina Perspective, Kasturirangan & Williams, 2003; Sabina et al., 2015[11]Latinas are often socialized to allow someone else to make decisions for them, most often the men in their lives. Women are taught to depend on men financially; they continue this cycle by raising their daughters in the same way (Kasturirangan & Williams, 2003)->[12]Counseling Latina Battered Women: A Qualitative Study of the Latina Perspective, Kasturirangan & Nutt-Williams, 2003;Klevens, 2007[13]Article 3 Definitions: Violence against women” is understood as a violation of human rights and a form of discrimination against women and shall mean all acts of gender-based violence that result in, or are likely to result in, physical, sexual, psychological or economic harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life. “Domestic violence” shall mean all acts of physical, sexual, psychological or economic violence that occur within the family or domestic unit or between former or current spouses or partners, whether or not the perpetrator shares or has shared the same residence with the victim.[14]“La loi était contre moi”Accès des femmes migrantes à la protection contre la violence intrafamiliale en Belgique, 08 nov 2012, Human Rights Watch[15]Les normes européennes recommandent que le nombre de places en refuges pour les survivantes de violences intrafamiliale soit de l’ordre d’une « place familiale » (définie comme une adulte plus le taux moyen d’enfants, qui est de 1,79 en Belgique) pour 7 500 à 10 000 habitants l n’y a pas d’administration centralisée des refuges en Belgique ; au lieu de cela, ils tombent sous la responsabilité des régions , 119 Liz Kelly et Lorna Dubois, Combatting Violence Against Women: Minimum standards for Support Services, Conseil de l’Europe, Direction générale Droits de l’homme et État de droit, 2008, (consulté le 6 avril 2012), p. 18[16]En 2006, la dernière année pour laquelle des statistiques sont disponibles, les deux types de refuges de femmes en Flandres ensemble furent incapables de répondre à entre 66 pour cent et 69 pour cent des demandes de refuges effectuées par des femmes cherchant un refuge pour violence conjugale. 123 Helen Blow et Gerard van Menxel, « Partner violence and homelessness » (« Partnergeweld en thuisloosheid ») in Kris De Groof et Tina De Gendt, eds., Chances to succeed. An integrated approach to intra-familial violence (« Kans op slagen. Een integrale kijk op geweld in gezinnen ») (Leuven: LannooCampus), 2007, p. 114[17]“La loi était contre moi ”Accès des femmes migrantes à la protection contre la violence intrafamiliale en Belgique, 08 nov 2012, Human Rights Watch[18]Precisely 82.8 % and “90 % of DHs and NDHs, respectively, showed some degree of instrumental violence”A Comparison of Domestic and Non-Domestic Homicides: Further Evidence for Distinct Dynamics and Heterogeneity of Domestic Homicide Perpetrators[19]Article 3 Definitions: Violence against women”[20]ARTICLE 13 – AWARENESS-RAISING, ARTICLE 14 – EDUCATION 
, ARTICLE 15 – TRAINING OF PROFESSIONALS, Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, Istanbul, 11.V.2011[21]Article 9 – NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANISATIONS AND CIVIL SOCIETYCouncil of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, Istanbul, 11.V.2011[22]ARTICLE 52 – EMERGENCY BARRING ORDERSCouncil of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, Istanbul, 11.V.2011[23]Kasturirangan & Williams, 2003, Hancock & Siu, 2009; Perilla & Perez, 2002[24]Article 8 – Financial resourcesCouncil of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, Istanbul, 11.V.201

Gaby Sepúlveda is a 21-year-old Colombian woman. Her main areas of interest are epistemology. She immigrated to Barcelona where she completed her secondary studies at the French Lyceum. She lives in London, where in 2018 she obtained an undergraduate degree in Philosophy from the University of Kings College London.

She is currently a legal research and social integration fellow at Siempre and coordinator of the arts and culture program for Latin American women at Latin American Women’s Rights Services and King’s College London.
Feminist, specifically criminology and jurisprudence, and cultural analysis.

Murder, Gender and the Media: Narratives of Dangerous Love, Jane Monckton-Smith, 2012
Asamblea Parlamentaria Euro-Latinoamericana, 2013
Eurostat, Gender and age distribution of persons acquiring citizenship in the EU-28 and EFTA, 2016
Canadian News Coverage of Intimate Partner Homicide: Analysing Changes Over Time M. Dawson, J. Fairbairn 2013
National Trends in Intimate Partner Violence: Explaining Declines in Canada, 1976-2001, M. Dawson et all 2005
International Migration Outlook 2018, The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)
Migration Report, United Nations, 2017
Violence against women and girls , step by step guidance on moving towards an integrated approach in London Boroughs, Coy & Kelly, 2011
Counseling Latina Battered Women: A Qualitative Study of the Latina Perspective Kasturirangan & Williams, 2003
Post-traumatic stress among victimized Latino women: Evaluating the role of cultural factors Sabina et al., 2015
An Overview of Intimate Partner Violence Among Latinos, Joanne Klevens, 2007
A program for immigrant Latino men who batter within the context of comprehensive family intervention, Perilla & Perez, 2002, in Working with Men who Batter: Intervention and Prevention Strategies for a Diverse Society, E. Aldarondo & F. Mederos (Eds.)
Istambul Convention, 2011
Theories of femicide and their significance for social research, Corradi, Marcuello-Servós, Boira, Weil; Current Sociology 1–21, 2016
Femicide The Politics of Woman Killing, D. Russell, 1976
Understanding and addressing violence against women, World Health Organisation
Belgique, à quand la reconnaissance du féminicide et du droit des femmes à une vie sans violence, La Ligue de l’Enseignement et de l’Education permanente asbl
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La délivrance d’une carte de séjour temporaire portant la mention « vie privée et familiale » dans le cadre des violences conjugales, femmes étrangères victimes de violence conjugales, SOS Femmes Vendees
Regroupement familial et violence conjugale : Eviter la double victimisation des femmes migrantes, René Begon, chargé de projet au CVFE avec Bijou Banza Monga et Sandrine Bodson, intervenantes au CVFE, collectif contre les violences familiales et l’exclusion
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A history of Areola – Artist and Specialist Hernán Sutty

A history of Areola

Artist and Specialist Hernán Sutty

Belgium, Brussels

From covering mastectomy scars to reconstructing realistic nipples and areolas, Hernán Sutty says that the career of a tattoo artist involves more than drawing dragons and flowers.

It was the visit of a woman to his studio in Patagonia Argentina who had undergone a unilateral mastectomy that changed the course of the artist’s career.

A certain woman, jovial and medical professional, was already the second time she had passed through the study door with the intention of entering. From the medical center where she cares for children as a pediatrician, they had reiterated that there was a very professional tattoo artist in that tattoo studio and that she should go see him for the case in question. Finally, she dares to enter that studio that is a bit artistic, a bit modern, a bit even where some get confused about what really transcends in that place. The atmosphere is something new for her, coming from such a different world, to be honest, quite averse to the word tattoo.

At that precise moment Hernán Sutty finishes a job and can attend to her in private, with good manners. She relaxes and from being the consultant at that time becomes the consultant.

It was a crush at first sight, says Hernán Sutty, the challenge of being able to once again face the challenge and the feeling of being able to help and perform that areola reconstruction. Although he had an international Master Training certification, this would be his first areola reconstruction tattoo.

The Champions as he calls them himself, to reach that final phase of reconstruction, they usually confess a certain daily experience, the so-called “mastectomy encounter”, pass in front of the bathroom mirror in the morning and see themselves reflected and confront the consequences again . It is a constant memory of cancer, but you have been told that the areola tattoo helps to heal and rediscover yourself.

With 19 years as an international designer artist, 9 years as a tattoo artist and 4 years as a specialist in micropigmentation, Sutty, as he prefers to be called, said yes to that challenge driven by humanity that characterizes him and since then has been using his artistic and creative talents to recreate realistic areolas and 3D nipples. In this way, he collaborates from reconstructive esthetics so that women become friends in a definitive way with the mirror and with life, knowing that it gives them the opportunity and privilege of accompanying these Champions against breast cancer on that trip.

That first woman who became her almost admiring friend confides in her that the tattoo changed not only her life, but also her thoughts about tattooists, who are so often misjudged or misunderstood, as artists tend to be. She also returned later accompanied by her partner to introduce him to that half magician, mystical artist and if that wasn’t enough, she recommended him precisely to his plastic surgeon and mastectomy specialist, Dr. Ignacio Del Pin, who from then on referred patients to Sutty. With so much dedication, professionalism and responsibility, perform the aesthetic reconstruction.

That first experience was amazing, she was so happy. When they finished the tattoo I wanted to share it with the world to promote to other cancer survivors that tattooing is an option and there is someone to trust.

There are not so many tattoo artists dedicated to areolas, and although hospitals and plastic surgeons incorporate tattooing and repigmentation into reconstructive surgery, they usually offer something quite rudimentary, simple and far from achieving a realistic effect.

Today Sutty receives patients referred from plastic surgeons among other cases that need paramedical applications that are solved with micropigmentation or tattooing. In Argentina she even had cases of patients who traveled one hundred or three hundred kilometers one way to be treated with her.

I have tremendous respect for women, even more knowing that after the battle won they are looking for that tattoo artist to end that chapter, when they have never set foot in a tattoo studio before, meeting these Champions is the most rewarding thing in the profession, Sutty tells us .

In Patagonia Argentina, Sutty with the unconditional help of his wife launched a solidarity campaign called “Tinta Renacer” with women who lacked the resources to finance the aesthetic reconstruction that was disseminated by all media. In case a woman needs an areola reconstruction, the artist would do it for the love of Art.

Sutty fell in love with the human body, with the direct, tangible and emotional connection that unites the patient with her servant.

After having worked in the US, Barcelona, Copenhagen, Mexico and Argentina, he started managing his own tattoo and micropigmentation studio from 2010 to 2019, today he resides in Brussels and works as a freelance with aesthetic institutes such as BOSEN and centers doctors like Louise Medical Center. Always looking to expand the spectrum of solidarity.

With International training obtained in Barcelona in Design, this aesthetic artist took a course with the London Art College on Live Drawing and Painting, he trained as a technician in micropigmentation and dermopigmentation at the Argentine School of Micropigmentation, participated in six master classes in Sao Paulo, He specialized in Mexico where he obtained four International Certificates in Nouveau Contour Master Training to improve his techniques and perfection since it is his passion.

Every time there are younger women who have overcome breast cancer and are looking for more creative proposals to cover their scars, options for designs with artistic motifs, Sutty says, for this I offer broader alternatives for those Champions and fighters of life.


VII International Congress on Migration & Mental Health

Representations and Migration path of Latin American women in Belgium.
By: Ana Valenzuela-Zapata and Thamara Cruz

SIEMPRE is an NGO formed in Belgium (Flemish Region) since May 11th., 2017, founded by two Mexican residents’ women: Thamara Cruz and Ana Valenzuela. The aim of our organization is to make visibility Latinas women from the minorities. This research begins to identify the paths where Latinas migrant women must have to follow, how is this process and when they need solutions. We analyze in both directions which problematic situations exists such as: representations, associations and institutions who are linked to look at their problems, what kind of specific solutions are oriented to Latin American migrant women and their families? And how can they access to these services? One of the most important indicators that we constantly found was that statistics doesn’t exist. We identify pattern of behavior that constantly are repeated by migrant on health and during their integration. Wellbeing and Mental health problems linked to isolation, depression and lack of equity during their integration period with programs as peer-to –peer perspective. Here we present our results of one year of studies.

Where are the Latin American migrant women (Latinas) in Belgium associations working in mental health and psychosocial effects?

The methods used for this research were: open interviews, personal study cases, recollect testimonies, reviews material from organizations, participation on congress and debates concerned to migration, women, violence and equity, follow information in social networks and co-participations in conferences, seminars and focus groups from May 2017 to May 2018.

Being migrant minority, we discovered that the help is almost invisible, mental health services and organizations, refuges around latina migrant women in Belgium are not adequate addressed to their needs and troubles. We have identified different activities, facts and the great struggles for migrant women living in Belgium. All these issues are in areas as: employment discrimination, housing, conjugal and domestic violence, in this context we carry out routes of violence, discrimination and depression. We have identified different ways to prevent problems based in workshops, groups of help and peer-to-peer experiences. We identify informal and diverse groups sharing in social media in range from: cooking recipes, advice on migration procedures, asking for legal assistance or asking for recommendations in cases of conjugal violence. This latter issue has taken us more time to analyze, we have been focused on creating networks with victims and organizations involved in all these issues. There are non-governmental organizations denouncing a growing wave of violence in Europe against women and Latin American women as one of the most vulnerable migrant groups. To this end, to date we have held two talks with the participation of Latina women based in Europe and specialists in jurisprudence, psychologists, psychiatrists, social workers and victims of violence. We have realized that an important distinction of our organization is to maintain an exchange network and consolidate actions and research with the participation of different specialists, without discrimination without religious tendencies, policies, marital status and / or sexual preference that allows the integration of demands for equality, equity and social and participatory education.


Latin American Women, Mental Health, Migration, Violence

SIEMPRECongress MMHealth

The Results was presented in the VII International Congress on Migration & Mental Health Brussels 2018,


Political Transnationalism from Belgium: Social Movements Organized by Mexican Activists.

Larisa Viridiana Lara-Guerrero
Institute Convergences Migrations University of Liege.

Article published by MOVIMIENTOS. Mexican Journal of Studies of Social Movements,Vol. 3, No. 1, January-June 2019


This essay aims at deepening the study of political transnationalism. In particular, this article analyses the implications and role of women in the formation, structure and dissemination of extraterritorial social and political movements. Based on empirical data, this essay presents an original typology that highlights the type of mobilization strategies deployed by Mexican migrants living in Belgium. In conclusion, it is established that the mobilization of Mexican women living abroad depends on their perception of insecurity and the national context of their country of origin; the available political opportunities they find abroad; the political remittances and flows of information that they maintain with the Mexican society; and finally, their skills and abilities to navigate between two social, economic and political contexts.


Political transnationalism, extraterritorial activism, Mexican diaspora, women activists.


This essay seeks to deepen the study of political transnationalism, with reference to the implications and role that women have in the formation, structure and dissemination of extraterritorial political and social movements. Based on empirical data, this essay presents an original typology that highlights the type of mobilization strategies deployed by Mexican migrants from Belgium. In conclusion, it is established that the mobilization of Mexican women from abroad depends on their perception of the insecurity and national context of their country of origin, as well as the available political opportunities they have encountered abroad, the political remittances and information flows they maintain with Mexican society, as well as their skills and capabilities to navigate between two social contexts , economic and political.


Political transnationalism, extraterritorial activism, Mexican diaspora, women activists. Political transnationalism from Belgium: social movements organized by Mexican activists.

Since 2006, Mexico has faced a major security crisis. The increase in the number of murders, disappearances, torture and human rights violations has sown great outrage in the Mexican population both inland and abroad (Anaya, 2015).

In particular, some analysts have hypothesized that the case of the disappearance of the 43 students of Ayotzinapa, in September 2014, sensitized the Mexican population and reinforced their political commitment (González Villarreal,2015). An example of this is the reaction of Mexican migrants who have organized political mobilizations and demonstrated their support for victims of the wave of violence that is affecting the Mexican population.

Studies on political transnationalism have highlighted that gender, age, level of education, immigration and social status, time spent abroad and interest in national political issues are key elements in understanding migrant political mobilization related to political issues in their country of origin (Portes, Escobar and Walton Radford, 2007; Guarnizo, Portes y Haller, 2003; Lafleur, 2013; Lafleur and Calderón, 2011).

In general, these studies have revealed that married men over the age of 40 and with a high level of education are the most likely migrants to organize transnational political activities (Portes, Escobar and Walton Radford, 2007). D’Aubeterre Buznego (2005) and Bermúdez (2016) have stressed the importance of analyzing the migration phenomenon from a gender perspective to recognize the opportunities, power relations and social constructs that determine the transnational behavior of women.

This essay seeks to deepen the study of political transnationalism, with reference to the implications and role that women have in the formation, structure and dissemination of extraterritorial political and social movements.

From this theoretical framework, it recognizes the weight that migrants and society, both in the country of origin and in the receiving country, have in the organization of transnational political activities.

To this end, an ethnographic study carried out over 18 months in Belgium was based in which the dynamics, organization and implications of transnational movements organized from the capital of the European Union were studied.

It should be noted that, at first, the study did not intended to study exclusively Mexican women involved in political activities; however, the results revealed that most transnational activities organized from Belgium are orchestrated by women.

Mexican migrants have been key players in organizing transnational political movements that contribute to extraterritorial democratization processes. In this case, its domination in the transnational political sphere can be explained by:

1) Your level of education, occupation and time available to organize political activities;2) For your personal interests and family situation;3) For the desire to return to your home country.

The profile of the interviewees varies according to their age, occupation, marital status, immigration status and time abroad (table 1).

Theoretically, it is proposed that political and social movements organized by Mexican women from abroad arise from their perception of insecurity and social situation in Mexico; they depend on their political and social connections to Mexican society, personal networks and the resources they have in Brussels to organize movements, convene an audience and spread their political message.

The essay begins with a review of literature on political transnationalism and extraterritorial political participation; exploring previous studies to determine the origin, patterns, and objectives of the political mobilization of migrant populations (Astergaard-Nielsen,2003; Guarnizo, Portes y Haller, 2003; Lafleur, 2013; Portes, Escobar and Radford, 2007). The concept of “political remittances” is then discussed (Piper, 2009; Tabar, 2014; Boccagni, Lafleur and Levitt, 2015) and delves into its usefulness and implementation in the study of transnational political mobilization. The next section introduces the methodology and design of the research. Subsequently, empirical data organized from a typology are presented that highlights the type of mobilization strategies implemented by Mexican migrants from Belgium. Typology is the result of the analysis of the tactics applied by migrants to support their transnational political activism.

First, transnational political activities are conceived as an extension or a reflection of political movements organized in Mexico. In other words, it is proposed that the form, message and objectives of transnational political movements organized by Mexican ones in Brussels is the reproduction of Mexican political movements. Second, transmigrating political mobilization techniques are recognized. This type of mobilization and political strategies are orchestrated by migrants who move frequently between Mexico and Brussels. In general, the mobility of these migrants presents new opportunities for transnational mobilization by being in direct contact with society in various geographical territories.

The dynamics of transmigrating political mobilization lie with the personal initiative of migrants and their determination to achieve tangible short-term political and social objectives. Finally, the third category of political mobilization encompasses the techniques of political lobbying and exploitation of local political opportunities available in Belgium.

Political transnationalism and political remittances

Political transnationalism has been a topic of great interest among migration experts. One of the greatest contributions, in the study of political transnationalism, is the theoretical framework developed by Astergaard-Nielsen (2003) to categorize the political participation of migrants. According to the author, migrants can engage in political activities related to immigrant, country of birth, emigration, diaspric and translocal politics (2003, p. 762). Participation in immigration policy encompasses transnational political activities organized by migrants seeking to improve the social, political and economic situation in the host country. On the other hand, policy involvement in the country of birth concerns activities organized by migrants interested in engaging in their nation’s political issues. This category includes political activities organized around the national policy or foreign policy of the country of origin of migrants. The involvement in emigration policy refers to dialogue between migrants and their countries of origin on their legal, economic and political situation (Astergaard-Nielsen, 2003, p. 762), while involvement in diaspural politics includes the political struggle of groups of migrants who cannot participate directly in the political system of their country of origin. Therefore, this type of extraterritorial involvement connotes a political dispute and a delicate relationship between migrant communities and the governments of their home countries.

Finally, participation in translocal policy consists of political initiatives organized abroad with the aim of improving the situation of local communities of origin (Astergaard-Nielsen, 2003). Such initiatives do not necessarily involve the governments of the country of residence or origin (Lafleur and Martiniello, 2009).

The typology developed by Astergaard-Nielsen (2003) has several limitations. First, as Lafleur and Martiniello (2009) explain, it does not make clear how translocal policy differs from the politics of the country of birth; second, this typology reduces the role of society in countries of origin in transnational political activism of migrants.

Indeed, this typology focuses on the role of migrants and governments in both the country of origin and the country of residence, omitting the impact of society in the country of origin on the initiation and durability of extraterritorial political movements.

On the contrary, members of the home society are not passive actors; in fact, they act as key informants by sharing information about local politics and the social conditions of the country of origin with immigrants living abroad (Nedelcu and Wyss, 2016), it can be said that they are in constant contact with the facts of their place of origin, and that is why members of the society of origin can play an important role (whether information , support or as a network) to keep migrants informed about political and social developments in the country of origin. One of the great theoretical contributions to understanding the impact of exchanges, between society of origin and migrants, is political remittances.

According to Piper (2009), political remittances can be defined as activities, actions and ideas that aim to change the political practices of the country of origin of migrants. The circulation of such political ideas and practices originates in the social context of both the country of origin and the receiving country. Political remittances are also directly shaped by migrant migration experience (Piper, 2009). Boccagni, Lafleur and Levitt (2015) emphasize the usefulness of the concept of political remittances, as it allows us to analyze the drivers of political transnationalism, its origin and the dynamics created by migrants as generators of transnational political activities. It is important to recognize that migrants play a decisive role as generators, transmitters, transformers and recipients of transnational political ideas, values and behaviors. As Pérez-Armendáriz and Crow (2010) rightly point out, migrants have the power to influence the political processes of their home countries through three channels:

(1) Visits to their homeland,2) Cross-border communication with their relatives and loved ones and3) by the networks of information that exist between migrant communities.

Other important aspects to consider in the flow of political remittances, in addition to circulation channels, are the transportability of ideas and the frequency and intensity of transnational connections (Boccagni, La fleur and Levitt, 2015). It is important to consider that the use and exploitation of political remittances depends, on the one hand, on their transferability, but also on the willingness of recipients to transform and process them to shape political transformation projects.

The objectives of political mobilization also vary depending on the capacities and desires of migrant communities (Koser, 2007; Van Hear and Cohen, 2016). The political mobilization of diasporas abroad has several objectives. On the one hand, migrant communities seek to directly influence the political situation of their countries of origin by coming into contact with political actors, organizations and institutions responsible for making public policies or political actions in their country of birth (Muller-Funk, 2016). On the other hand, diasporas seek to raise awareness among society in the country of residence about political events occurring in their home country (Muller-Funk, 2016). In order to influence public opinion in countries of residence, migrants resort to various local political mobilization techniques. For example, by convening members of local civil society, making alliances with local public bodies or characters, or by inviting local media interested in reporting on their political and social struggles. In general, the concept of political remittances allows political transnationalism to be studied for three main reasons. First, the concept allows reflection on the mobility, transfer and circulation of political ideas between at least two geographical regions. Secondly, this concept recognizes the influence that societies have, both in the country of origin and that of residence, in the process of generating, transforming, and implementing transnational political practices. Finally, the term political remittances accentuates the role of migrants as protagonists in the formation of transnational political movements.

Migrants are the protagonists in the processes of transmission of political ideas and practices. They are also the ones who transform and articulate these political messages into actions of change and transnational political activism. Considering that migrants play a central role in the dissemination of transnational political strategies, this research proposes an ethnographic analysis to understand the social behaviour, motivations and interests behind the practices of transnational activism supported by Mexican migrants residing in Belgium. The typology presented in this article provides a complement to previous studies, as it analyzes contexts and actors usually not taken into account what Mexican women in Europe may look like and the use of the concept of “political remittances” to capture the flow of political ideas and practices between at least two territories. MethodologyThe data presented in this article were obtained through participatory observation at political and social events organized by members of the Mexican community residing in Belgium, for 18 months. 14 semi-structured interviews were conducted with Mexican women who organize transnational political activities; Also attended were political events that included: artistic activities, reading poems, gastronomic events, inns, concerts, academic conferences, book presentations, video screenings, demonstrations and events for the collection of signatures for different causes. From these ethnographic methods, it was possible to observe specifically the processes, meanings, emotions and interests that make activists engage in political activities (Herbert, 2000). The data collection phase was accompanied by two major position reflection processes (Vivas Romero, 2017; Schwartz-Shea and Yanow, 2012) of the researcher on earth and on the protection of participants’ data (Markova, 2009). Throughout the data collection process, the researcher maintained a thoughtful and critical attitude to the social and political phenomena she observed (Murillo and Martínez-Garrido, 2010). It is important to mention that repeated interaction with several women in the Mexican community in Belgium was indispensable to know their daily activities and lifestyles. During this phase, the researcher had the opportunity to participate in the boards of organization and preparation of

several transnational political events, this served to observe group and organizational dynamics, division of labor and interaction between transnational Mexican activists. It is essential to refer that the researcher maintained a neutral stance during these meetings, by not ruling on decision-making, for example, on where the event would be organized, its form, its content or on broadcast channels. All participants gave their explicit and oral consent to participate in the research and it was decided to use pseudonyms to protect their Identity. At last, it is important to clarify that this research focuses on individual cases for two main reasons. First, according to pitiful subjection (Pleyers, 2017), the individual is the centerpiece of the winds because they make the decision on form, sizey time of mobilization. Second, these theories explain that’s on the other time social movements are increasingly est distanced from institutions and formal organizations, thus privileging individual actions and Personal.Extension national political movements in the ForeignExist studies showing that the political mobilization of migrant populations is closely linked to political developments queocurren in your home country (Koinova, 2013; Muller-Funk, 2016). I mean that, at the same time, mobilize from abroad, migrants tend to replicate political movements that previously happened in their countries Origin. As can be seen from the examples presented below, the movements organized by Mexican migrants from Brussels have come to inspire in the form, slogans and symbols, of the mobilizations that occurred previously in Mexico.In this section discusses two examples of transnational political mobilization organized from Brussels, closely related to Mexican mobilizations (Pleyers, 2017). Examples of mobilization demonstrate that organization, outreach strategies, political messages and even political objectives are highly influenced by social movements organized in Mexico.Las migrant women who have organized political movements from Brussels are kept informed about Mexican politics and maintain a cross-border and constant communication with their family and friends, who inform them about the political situation Mexico. Beyond the importance of political remittances that influence the nature and demands of transnational political movements, it is important to recognize that exchanges between members of Mexican society and migrants Mexico. It is important to mention that each example presented in this section shows that the realization of political movements depends on the resources and political opportunities exploited by migrant women leading movements Transnational. Natalia she has been living in Brussels for a few months. When he arrived, he did not actively search for other Mexicans in the capital Belgian. To principle, one of his great goals was to adapt to his new life and learn from other cultures; however, her interest in the Jarocho son brought her closer to a group of young people who practice this type of music every Monday in one of the most multicultural neighbourhoods of Brussels. Before moving to Europe, Natalia had experience participating in social movements in Mexico:Got to publish photos in newspapers in the movement of #YoSoy132. It was well lit there. I got to publish the pictures in newspapers. Like even There. Collaborate, march, take photos, search for information, soaking up what is happening (Semi-structured interview, 24 November 2017, Brussels).In Mexico, Natalia was interested in social movements and supported certain mobilizations; however, I had never had the initiative disorganize a political event until he arrived in Brussels; there, he decided mobilize around the campaign to collect signatures for the independent candidate for the Presidency for the July 2018 elections: Mary of Jesus Patrick,”Marichuy”. Her enthusiasm, political convictions and desire for the situation of violence and discrimination in Mexico to change motivated her to organize and participate in three types of political events to support the spokeswoman for the National Indigenous Congress. Natalia organized an inn, a five-day signature fundraising campaign and was a moderator in a video conference involving members of the Indigenous Council, “Marichuy” and Mexicans in more than 20 cities around the world. Natalia became an assistant to collect firms in Europe after a well-known one in Mexico told her that it was possible to support this political cause from abroad through a mobile application developed by the National Electoral Institute (Ine, 2018). Natalia’s political mobilization is an example that migrants living abroad continue to be interested in the political affairs of their home country because of their political convictions, their personal interests, as well as their ties to the society of their country of birth. However, it is important to emphasize that the organization and execution of the three events depended specifically on Natalia’s resources and network of acquaintances, her agility in convening the rest of the Mexican community, and the willingness of other connationals to support her initiative. Finally, the kind of political activism that Natalia organized is structured according to established standards and material produced in Mexico. For example, the National Electoral Institute (Ine) ruled that the deadline for collecting signatures to support independent candidates for the presidency was 19 February 2018. This standard structured the political activities organized by Natalia in a timely manner. With a deadline, the young migrant devised a campaign strategy in which she repeatedly summoned the Mexican population in Belgium over three years Months. Other example of political mobilization, closely linked to political movements that have happened in Mexico, is the demonstration organized by Ana paraconmemorating the third anniversary of the disappearance of Ayotzinapa students. On September 26, 2017, she summoned members of the Mexican community in front of the Mexican Embassy in Brussels to remember Alos 43 students missing from Ayotzinapa. The demonstration brought together unadocena Mexicans dissatisfied with the situation of injustice and violence in Mexico, and included a series of political messages delivered through a megaphone and banners with portraits of the 43 students Missing. Ana she has been an artist living in Europe for more than 20 years. His political awareness began from an early age, when he was participating in donation campaigns. Later, he became a student leader and worked as a social worker in an indigenous community in Jalisco. She has always been interested in the political situation in Mexico and, despite the distance, is kept informed through newspapers, online news broadcasts and the regular communication she maintains with her friends and family. Two of the problems that most unsettle the singer are insecurity and femicides in Mexico:The femicides across the country are crazy. I have sisters, nieces and I suffer a lot. I was crying today because they found the body of a thirteen-year-old girl in Guerrero. […] I’m very saddened by what’s going on. What I can do, fortunately, through social media and for being a singer, an actress, a public bodies, is to denounce (Semi-structured interview, 22 November 2017, Brussels).The Mexico’s violent events and injustices prompt Ana to mobilize from abroad and organize demonstrations and concerts to raise funds to support various causes. Ana uses the information she reads enlos newspapers, and the one that share his personal contacts in Mexico, to make social and political demands from Brussels. Once he decides to mobilize for a cause, he seeks the necessary permits before the Belgian authorities, in order to be able to organize political demonstrations with others Mexican. Is important to mention that Ana uses social media as a tool to summon other Mexicans to the marches, to spread political messages and share news that she considers relevant. In general, Ana replicates political manifestations that occur in Mexico from Brussels for three main reasons: first, to support her personal contacts who ask her to speak out for some specific cause to the European authorities; secondly, because it considers the Belgian capital to be a strategic place to make social demands, because of the symbolic and political weight of the fact that this city is the seat of the Commission and the European Parliament. Finally, Ana is mobilized for her political convictions to denounce the injustices that occur in Mexico and for the great attachment and affection she has to her country of Origin:Frankly, Mexico is going through an emergency situation and, frankly, the Mexicans living abroad have to point it out and report it. […] What motivates me and takes me out of my house is the thirst for justice. It’s something that’s going to move me until I’m very old. The thirst for balance. Thirst for peace is what gets me out of my house, even if it’s snowing or raining. Above all, what motivates me is Mexico. It motivates me that injustice in Mexico will end […] If you don’t report, you’re a callous, vile person. It seems to me that everyone should be pointing and denouncing (Semi-structured interview, 22 November 2017, Brussels).Ana is a Mexican worried and outraged by the situation in her country which, since more than 20 years ago, he made political demonstrations from abroad. Her profession as a singer and her extensive network of personal contacts, so muchen Mexico and as in Europe, have allowed it to have a position privileged for convene marches, benefit concerts, political debates, between Other. Mobilization transmigrant: experiences between Belgium and Mexico.El second type of mobilization organized by migrant women Mexican Brussels are transmigrant political activities. According to

Glick Schilleret al., “transmigrants are immigrants whose daily international lives and public identities are configured in relation to more than one nation” (Glick Schiller, Basch and Szanton Blanc, 1995, p. 48). The notion of transmigration underscores the ability and ability of migrants to navigate between political, economic and social institutions in various geographical locations. This section discusses two examples of political mobilization called “transmigrating” to capture the intensive flow of ideas, strategics and techniques that Mexican women have developed and implemented in Brussels. By using this term, it is intended to emphasize the circulation of ideas and political mobilizations of Mexican women between Belgium and Mexico who have maintained from physical displacement, cross-border communications and political remittances (Piper, 2009). Susana has been a textile designer and political activist who has lived in Belgium for eight years. After working on cultural events and craft projects in Mexico, she decided to move to Belgium for family reasons and to be able to offer better educational opportunities to her two children. Thanks to her extensive experience in textiles and embroidery techniques, Susana has managed to join the textile world in Brussels by designing molds and patterns. Both in her professional career and in her career as a social activist, Susana has managed to combine her interests for indigenous communities and the protection of women. Susana always had a creative spirit and a need to help the most vulnerable people living in conditions of marginality. From a very young age, he participated in an artisanal project for the iconographic rescue of textiles from small Mexican indigenous communities. From this experience, Susana was able to identify many of the social, economic and inequality problems faced by many indigenous women in the Mexican Republic. The living conditions of these women prompted Susana to form a civil society association in Mexico whose objective is to support the development of indigenous communities and the protection of girls and young people through the strengthening of local crafts. For several years, Susana has been collaborating with young embroiderers and reading machines in Mexico to improve their living and working conditions. Susana’s political activism can be described as transmigrating as it depends on her personal convictions and her interconnectivity between Mexico and Belgium, but at the same time on her economic ability and legal ability to cross borders between the two countries. Indeed, the legal rights that Susana has obtained in the European capital have allowed her access to new political opportunities (Martiniello and Lafleur, 2008), which has operated to form an association against domestic violence for Latin American migrant women residing in Belgium.In short, Susana is a woman who has been able to adapt to the context wherever she is, while manipulating the social and political structures at her disposal in order to develop and implement policies of transnational activism. Berenice is a young professional dancer who has lived in Brussels since 2009. When she arrived in Belgium, she sought opportunities to continue dancing and create stage productions. His perseverance and experience in the world of choreographic production have allowed him to work in important productions in Mexico. Berenice approached the Mexican community in Belgium following the #YoSoy132. Her outrage and concern about denting what was happening in her home country motivated her to form a small group of five young activists who organized demonstrations in front of the European institutions, made press releases and lobbying letters:That time of #YoSoy132 was so productive that we made connections. We had such good prestige that the people of Amnesty International contacted us. We did some events that went super well. A lot of people came. From there, the Ayotzinapa thing happened, but that was later. It was a very political time. I feel like I was going through a lot of time seeing what was going on in Mexico and doing replicas here (Semi-structured interview, 8 November 2017, Brussels). Initially, Berenice’s political activism focused on reproducing social movements that took place in Mexico. However, his activism changed in form and frequency once one of his relatives was arbitrarily arrested in Mexico. From his political experience replicating movements, Berenice managed to design political pressure strategies using the political and social capital at his disposal in Belgium. His transmigrating activism crystallized into movements physically organized in two territories, but influenced by the constant flow of information, the exchange of lobbying techniques, and the coordination of a network of personal contacts, both in Mexico and Belgium.Organizational techniques for political mobilization, learned in

Belgium, helped Berenice to effectively organize her family in Mexico to divide political lobbying tasks, establish media contact, follow up on the case with lawyers, and allocate financial resources for greater impact. During his family member’s incarceration period, Berenice traveled several times between Belgium and Mexico in order to present his family member’s case to the Belgian authorities and report one more case of injustice. I came to Belgium to tell all my bosses that maybe I was not coming back and that I had come to get signatures from [European] parliamentarians. I was lucky that day. I came here [to Brussels] and took the Commission and Parliament out on the street. […] That day there was a fair of doors open to Parliament and there were all the parliamentarians or at least the most important ones there, directly to talk to all people. So I trained and told them about my family’s case. I took pictures with everyone. They promised me some signatures. Some gave them to me, some didn’t. But I had pictures. […] I arrived in Mexico with three firms, one from the group of exarlamentarios and with two that I got that day of the fair (Between-semi-structured view, 8 November 2017, Brussels). Berenice’s political conscience and ability to exploit the political opportunities available to him in Belgium allowed him to submit documentation showing that his family member’s case was being heard in European instances before a solicitor in Mexico charged with carrying his family member’s case. Berenice is convinced that thanks to this transnational lobbying effort and its great media communication strategy in Mexico, her family member was granted freedom free of charge. Berenice’s activism changed as soon as he had to mobilize for a specific cause and that he knew that his transnational political activities could have a decisive weight in gaining the freedom of his family member. This case shows that migrants abroad are able to mobilize the legal and political structures at their disposal to achieve concrete policy objectives. The two cases presented in this section of transmigrating political activism reflect that migrants with the economic and legal capacity to travel, between their country of origin and that of residence, can exploit the political opportunities (Martiniello and Lafleur, 2008) available in both territories to design mobilization strategies for a specific purpose. It is also recognized that migrants adapt the accumulated political and social capital in their lives to design political mobilization strategies that best suit their context and goal in mind. Use of social capital and political opportunities in BelgiumThe third type of mobilization, presented in this section, focuses on the analysis of transnational political practices resulting from the search and exploitation of political opportunities in the country of residence of migrants. The main objective of this type of mobilization is to raise awareness of the problems of the countries of origin of migrants in the society that hosts them (Muller-Funk, 2016). Because these types of activities are mainly aimed at members of the society of the country of residence, their form and content tend to vary. Andrea has dedicated her whole life to acting. He has lived in Belgium for 18 years and has not always found it easy to find job opportunities in the field of acting, so he has carried out different activities such as working in the cultivation of roses. Andrea is an extremely energetic and cheerful woman. She is married to a Belgian citizen and together they organize activities to support various social causes in Mexico. The best way for Andrea to raise awareness of what’s happening in Mexico is through private concerts at home:In my house we [she and her husband] started doing concerts to bring together

funds for the ’43 and so far it’s going on. Well now it’s not just for the ’43, it’s for other causes. I started at my house with my husband and friends and with the people around me to organize concerts. There are 40 people in my living room. It’s not big, but everyone’s sorry. What I have found is many supportive people and artists who show up in the house with incredible quality and do not charge us. Almost all of them are Belgian. […] It’s quite a convivivial and people love it. They are also given more information, always from Mexico, always, always (Semi-structured interview, 2 February 2018, Brussels).

Andrea has organized concerts several times at her home where she exposes what is going on in Mexico to an audience of Belgian friends and acquaintances. Between her and her husband they make advertisements in Dutch so that their guests know what is happening in their home country and stand in solidarity with the Mexican population through financial donations. Once the concert is over, Andrea sends the money collected to people she trust in Mexico who work on specific social causes or who support a political movement that is a child of their political ideals. In most concerts, the European musicians he receives at home stand in solidarity with the political cause by providing their services for free. The jazz or blues concerts, which she organizes with her husband, have allowed her circle of acquaintances to be informed about the situation of violence and injustice in Mexico while raising funds to send them to causes they sympathize with. In addition to the concerts, Andrea has done other activities for political purposes, such as collecting signatures to denounce injustices, campaigning political information, and sticking small stickers with political messages. Rosa is a woman who arrived in Belgium more than 15 years ago with her family, so that she could offer a better education to her child and access better employment opportunities. He has university studies in communication and speaks fluent Spanish, Dutch and English. Since her parents died, Rosa has limited her travels to Mexico; however, her brothers, cousins and friends keep her informed of important political events happening in the country. His political interest has origins in his family history, as his grandfather was a high-ranking politician in Mexico during the 1940s. As a result, Rosa has always taken an interest in politics and has questioned a lot about the privileges of the Mexican political class. Rosa has no intention of returning to Mexico, but she cares about the situation of insecurity and widespread violence that the country is going through: I no longer have much family in Mexico, but it does give me something to hear people whohave children of mine’s age and who can’t even go out and do absolutely nothing … So is the issue of girls disappearing. Gee! No way! I have nephews, children of friends. I’d like those jackets to have the same freedom mine has here. May the popes live with the same tranquility with which one lives here … Before, you did hear “there was a little bite” or “a missing person.” Right now I don’t know a single person in my countrymen who doesn’t have a close friend or a family member who hasn’t had something ugly happened to him. Not one. It’s happened to everyone. Either they were assaulted, or they raped a relative, or they kidnapped someone, or they were called to extort them. Really, I don’t know anybody. I think people are waking up more. And what I hope is that the people who live abroad will also react. Let us not live in the bubble of “here I am calm”, but on the contrary, take more interest in what is going on there (Semi-structured interview, 2 December 2017, Brussels). Mexico’s current insecurity and Rosa’s moral obligation,

to be able to contribute to improving political and social conditions, have motivated it to organize political lobbying strategies with Belgian and European authorities. I’m more than I like to go with politicians. Talk to politicians. We’ve already done that. We met with several of the MPs, handed them letters, handed them information that they didn’t have firsthand. Doing lobbying work, I like it better than going to protest in front of the embassy. It’s very respectable and someone has to do it. This protesting. […] But I’m more of a better subject, I write me a letter, I’m looking for sources, I make an appointment with a politician and I go and leave them or talk to them. That catches my eye more and I do it more …. For example, on one of these visits, they were made observers from here [Brussels] to Mexico. It was possible to contact some ong in Mexico […]. I think that’s very important, that you don’t think there’s only one and that you just yell from here. We presented information to parliamentarians and there were concrete results (Semi-structured interview, 2 December 2017, Brussels). Rosa considers “all forms of activism” to be important (Semi-structured interview, 2 December 2017, Brussels). Recognizes the efforts of other Mexicans who decide to organize demonstrations, cultural events or fundraising events. However, it stresses that lobbying is an extremely important activity that takes place behind the scenes. It describes political lobbying as a very exhausting form of activism by not seeing an immediate reward, such as a journalistic note. From their point of view, lobbying is a time-consuming activity: from getting an appointment, preparing meetings with politicians, to convincing them that Mexico’s problems are relevant to Europe. Rosa has managed to boost political activities for Mexico by coming into direct contact with European politicians, demonstrating that she has learned to navigate mexico’s political system in order to organize lobbying activities at the international level. ConclusionThis essay explores the transnational political activities they have led

Mexican women from abroad. From the narrated life stories, various types of extra territorial political mobilization were identified. First, movements that are a replica or an extension of the political activities that arise in Mexico. Secondly, the transmigrant activities are analysed, demonstrating the relevance of considering the physical mobility of migrants involved in this type of political activism. Finally, political mobilizations were presented with the aim of raising awareness and attracting the attention of the Belgian and European people. The purpose of these actions is to inform the foreign population that what is happening in Mexico is relevant in order to improve the protection of human rights at the global level. Empirical data – obtained from interviews, observation and participation in various spaces, presented in this essay – show that the mobilization of Mexican women from abroad depends on their perception of the insecurity and national context of their country of origin, as well as the available political opportunities they have encountered in Brussels, political remittances and information flows they maintain with Mexican society; Finally, their mobilization also depends on their skills and abilities to navigate between two social, economic and political contexts. Both the transnational political interest maintained by migrants from abroad, and their ability to adapt to different contexts, have allowed them to create their own and extra institutional channels to try to contribute to improving the social and political situation in Mexico.Recognition of the answering political experience, which migrant women acquired in Mexico before migrating, is more not indispensable to trigger their transnational political mobilization. Finally, it is shown that the time migrants have spent abroad does not affect the initiative to engage in extraterritorial political movements. Transnational political activities organized by migrant women have been important at the individual level, as this allows them to maintain personal and political ties with Mexican society, weave support networks with other Mexicans abroad and contribute in some way to improving the political situation of their home country, through access to social justice. This essay proposes to contribute to the study of political transnationalism by introducing a gender perspective and focusing exclusively on the role that women have had in the development of transnational political movements, which have allowed them access to channels of social justice. In addition, presenting an analysis of different political activities goes beyond studies that have focused on extraterritorial political activities for electoral purposes (Lafleur, 2013) gives this essay a level of innovation. Finally, this trial contributes to migration studies presenting results of an ethnographic analysis of the Mexican diaspora residing in Belgium, a place where this population has been little explored in other countries such as the United States or Canada. BibliographyAnaya Muñoz, A. (2015). Human rights violations by non-state actors and transnational pressure. In A. 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(2003).  Assimilation and Transnationalism: Determinants of Transnational Political Action among Contemporary Migrants.American Journal of Sociology,108(6), pp. 1211-1248.Herbert, S. (2000). For ethnography. Progress in Human Geography, 24(4), 550-568. Viewed at Nacional Electoral. (2018). Independent Applications 2018,, accessed 27 February 2018.Koinova, M. (2013) Four types of diaspora mobilization: Albanian diaspora activism for Kosovo independence in the US and the UK. Foreign Policy Analysis,9(4), 433-453.Koser, K. (2007) African Diasporas and Post-conflict Reconstruction: An Eritrean Case Study.En H. Smith, P. Stares (Eds.),Diasporas in Conflict: Peace-makers or Peace-wreckers? (pp.239-252). New York: University Nations University Press. Lafleur, J.M. (2013). Transnational Politics and the State. The External Voting Rights of Diaspora. London: Routledge.Lafleur, J.M., Calderón, L. (2011). Assessing Emigrant Participation in Home Country Elections: The Case of Mexico’s 2006 Presidential Election.International Migration,49(3),99-124.Lafleur, J.M., Martiniello, M. (Eds.) (2009). The Transnational Political Participation of Immigrants. To Transatlantic Perspective. London: Routledge.Markova, E. (2009). The “Insider” Position: Ethical Dilemmas and Methodological Concerns in Researching Undocumented Migrants with the Same Ethnic Background. In I. VanLiempt, V. Bilger, The Ethics of Migration Research Methodology. Dealing with Vulnerable Immigrants (pp. 141-154). Sussex, England: Sussex Academic Press.Martiniello, M., Lafleur, J. M. (2008). Towards a transatlantic dialogue in the study of immigrant political transnationalism. Ethnic and Racial Studies,31(4), 645-663.Muller-Funk, L. (2016). Diaspora Mobilizations in the Egyptian (Post)Revolutionary Process:Comparing Transnational Political Participation in Paris and Vienna.Journal of Immigrant & Refugee Studies,14(3), 353-370.Murillo, F. J., Martínez-Garrido, C. (2010). Ethnographic research. Madrid: Universidad Autónoma de Madrid.Nedelcu, M., Wyss, M. (2016). “Doing family” through ict-mediated ordinary co-presence:transnational communication practices of Romanian migrants in Switzerland.GlobalNetworks, 202-218.Astergaard-Nielsen, E. (2003). TheInternational Migration Review,37(3), 760-786.Pérez-Armendáriz, C., Crow, D. (2010). Do Migrants Remit Democracy? International Migration, Political Beliefs, and Behavior in Mexico.Comparative Political Studies, 43(1), 119-148Piper, N. (2009) Temporary Migration and Political Remittances: the role of organisational networks in the transnationalisation of human rights.  European Journal of East AsianStudies, 8(2), 215-243.Pleyers, G. (2017). Between Social Networks and Squares. In B. Bringel, B., G. Pleyers, Protest and Global Outrage: Social Movements in the New World Order (pp.37-45).  BuenosAires: clacso. Portes, A., Escobar, C., Walton Radford, A. (2007). Immigrant Transnational Organizations and Development: A Comparative Study.International Migration Review,4(1), 242–281.Schwartz-Shea, P., Yanow, D. (2012). Interpretive Research Design: Concepts and Processes. London: Routledge.Tabar, P. (2014). “Political Remittances”: The Case of Lebanese Expatriates Voting in National Elections. Journal of Intercultural Studies,35(4), 442-460.Van Hear, N., Cohen, R. (2016). Diasporas and conflict: distance, contiguity and spheres of engagement. Oxford Development Studies,45 (2), 1-14.Vivas Romero, M. (2017). Entre mutation et métissage. Co-construction d’une ethnographie émancipatrice et féministe.  Mulation Revue, Ethnographies Du Proche Perspectives Réflexives et Enjeux de Terrain, 22, 35-50.

Research and exploratory project to identify the needs and migration trajectory of Latin American Women to Belgium.

Meeting with migrant women and focus group to talk about the migration trajectory and the integration experience in Belgium. Precisely in Antwerp

Program (pilot) Mujeres Siempre, Mujeres with 5 Interviews made to indispensable Latin American Women who are living in Belgium: Ms. Norma Goicochea – Ambassador of Cuba, Ms. Guadalupe Ramos – Feminist Lawyer, Ms. Silvia Ábalos – Mexican Artist, Ms. Ligia Uribe – Defender of Human Rights – Colombian, Ms. Cecilia Torres – Ottignies-LLN-Ecuadorian Councilor.

Presentation in the national week of Literature, InterlitraTour with the reading of poetry by writers from Belgium, Sudan, Vietnam, Colombia, Mexico and Turkey with traditional music from Peru.

Conference with the PhD. Guadalupe Ramos Ponce legal expert in law and femicide in the framework of t within the framework of the international he International Women Day in Brussel

Participation in the World March with the testimony and participation of victims.

Date of receipt:

July 6, 2018

Date of acceptance:

October 17, 2018

Larisa Lara Guerrero is a PhD student in migration and political science at the University of Paris VII and the University of Liege. She holds a degree in International Relations, graduated from the Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores de Monterrey y Sciences Po, Paris. He holds a master’s degree in Migration from Oxford University and a master’s degree in Security, Conflict and Development from King’s College London. Larisa has worked on various migration, development and security projects at the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, the United Nations Development Programme and the International Organization for Migration. His research focuses mainly on the dynamics of political transnationalism, extraterritorial political participation and conflict zones.



A las mujeres de América Latina: Marea verde, Zapatistas, Las patronas, a todas.

Calaverita Feminista

La huesuda en el 2018
se convierte en feminista
el diablo ya está temblando
como va a hacerle
¿con tanta gente sexista ?

El código de etiqueta
Lo impone la huesuda,
Le avisa al del averno
Que mas le vale y no confunda.

El diablo no tiene cabeza
Se hace cuadritos la vida
¿Pondrá juntos a violadores
Con “blanquitas feministas”?

Las aguas ya llegan a los aparejos
Para las mujeres en el mundo
La « marea verde » trasciende
Sin el permiso de ninguno,
Las del feminismo eurocentrico
solamente piensan en la foto
mientras las Zapatistas
muestran la dignidad a fondo

No sé ustedes
Pero a mi me parece
Que la muerte es justa y certera
Dejemos que trabaje
A su ritmo
que otro futuro nos espera

La gran muerte es pareja
¡Valgame Dios que miedo !
El patriarcado y el feminismo blanco
Caen juntos y es en serio.

Vida y muerte se acompañan
Bailando juntas se entretienen
Y las feministas latinas les cantan
¡Que caiga el patriarcado
pero para SIEMPRE !

2do. Debate – conversatorio a Propósito de Mujeres Migrantes en constante movimiento

2do. Debate – conversatorio a Propósito de Mujeres Migrantes en constante movimiento.

¿Cómo garantizas la participación para que tu organización sea eficiente y activa?

Cuál fue la postura de Afroféminas respecto al 8 de Marzo, cuáles han sido las reacciones, cómo evalua hasta hoy la iniciativa de emprender un movimiento con respecto a su identidad y discurso.

Speaker: Antoinette (Bio personal y Afroféminas)

2nd.Speaker: Mónica Weissel (Bio personal y FS)

Pregunta: ¿Hubo colaboración con otras organizaciones?

Evaluación de su participación del collective Femmes Survivant en las actividades del 8 de Marzo, cómo ven la participación de FS tanto en Bélgica como en Argentina?

3rd. Speaker: Anna Zobnina (Bio personal y ENOMW)

Pregunta: Acciones y organización entorno al 8 de marzo

Análisis y pensamiento entorno al presente de la migración de europeas en Europa, Evaluación respecto al pasado 8 de marzo en las diferentes organizaciones, Cómo surge ENOMW.

Segundo dialogo 25 de Mayo de 2018, celebración del primer aniversario de Siempre ngo.  Casa del hombre Place Sainctelette 17, Bruselas

“Sabemos que hay de diferentes colores, tamaños, lenguas, culturas, profesiones, pensamientos y formas de lucha. Pero decimos que somos mujeres y además mujeres que luchan, entonces somos diferentes pero somos iguales. Y es que también nos hace iguales la violencia y la muerte”, afirmó la Insurgenta Erika desde el escenario, rodeada por bases de apoyo y milicianas del EZLN” reunión del mes de marzo de 2018 en Chiapas Mexico con cinco mil visitantes mujeres de todo el mundo.  Feminismo Zapatista.

  1. El dialogo : iguales pero diferentes

Una de las quejas mas frecuentes de las militantes de minorías feministas en Bélgica es la postura de las feministas « blancas », ellas son las que guian, las que dicen el camino a seguir, las que educan, las que forman, las que enseñan.  Ellas siguen por lo tanto el papel del pastor, del mesias es bajo esa idea de sociedad de pastores que parten las religiones, la visión de mundo y el patriarcado Europeo.  Las feministas « blancas » lo reproducen, lo perpetuan y lo imponen.  Por ello nacen otros grupos de mujeres, llamados las minorias feministas.  Por ello, el pasado 8 de marzo no todas las mujeres feministas salieron a la calle a manifestarse por sus derechos en Bruselas.  Pertener a una asociación feminista instalada como institución en Bruelas significa ser parte del rebaño, seguir su llamado y la consigna de que las líderes hablarán pero nunca las migrantes y/o las minorías.  Bajo esta cultura feminista el dialogo no existe es el matriarcado patriarcal el que domina y al que las minorías feministas se revelan.

El fenómeno « paternalista » de dar lecciones a las minorias y a los migrantes no solamente se expresa desde el feminismo de las « blancas » yo diria del matriarcado patriarcal.   Gozar o tener un poco de poder sobre los excluidos es una condición para aleccionarlos, subestimarlos, discriminarlos y violentarlos. El patriarcado de mujeres y hombres gobernantes, asistentes sociales, doctores, enfermeras, maestros (entre otros) ejerce una violencia del no dialogo, de la disminución del otro para reducirlo a un ignorante, esta es una queja frecuente entre migrantes pero además entre mujeres que son victimas de violencia.   Es pues el proceso de « aleccionamiento » una práctica discriminatoria y violenta. Para los que migran y comienzan a integrarse gracias al aprendizaje del idioma, es una batalla diaria, ya que los mensajes están cifrados de no conocimeinto, de no saber, de no aportación, de no tener inteligencia, de no ser, de no existir, de ser invisibles.  Los migrantes integrados al exito, es decir de ser « aleccionados » repiten el modelo, excluyen las voces de las minorias en forma de dialogo o conversación.

Es por ello que el segundo dialogo organizado por Siempre y Femmes survivantes con la participación de Afroféminas y la Red Europea de Mujeres migrantes (ENoMW) tiene el objetivo de abrir espacios de conversación y de valorar la voz e ideas d elas minorias.  Desde luego irrumpe en la relación convencional de instituciones de mujeres en Europa.  Siempre es miembro de la ENoMW y hemos expresado nuestra propuesta abrir conversaciones en sororidad con otras organizaciones de mujeres.  Es por lo tanto importante mencionar la declaración de las feministas zapatistas, somos diferentes pero somos iguales.  La violencia y la muerte nos hace iguales, pero somos diferentes.  Yo adicionaría, que es gracias a estos espacios abiertos de dialogo que el feminismo puede crecer, ser plural y entender gracias a las pensadoras y activistas y luchas de mujeres latinas en el mundo, nuevos conocimientos para lograr objetivos comunes.  El dia de ayer (25 de Mayo, 2018) logramos subir un peldaño, solamente con la conversación, con la escucha atenta de las perdedoras del neoliberalismo las mujeres racializadas y victimas, las mujeres migrantes que sin tomar en cuenta sus conocimientos van directas a la caja oscura de la limpieza, de los trabajos domésticos y de cuidado, los peores pagados, o los caminos de la prostitución en el corazón de Europa.

  • El contexto del dialogo

En el contexto de la semana,  la red de ENoMW organizó una reunión de Fundamentalismo y Neoliberalismo en el parlamento Europeo, importante discusión y bien nutrida asistencia.  A la vez que una pequeña migrante de dos años murió por las balas de los policias belgas durante la madrugada del 16 de Mayo.  El primer ministro belga mencionó publicamente que la responsabilidad de la muerte de la niña era de los padres.  El ambiente de duelo en Bruselas reunió alrededor de 600 personas hace 4 dias en la plaza del Palais de Justice.  Dedicamos un minuto de silencio al inicio de la conversacion por Mawda la pequña niña kurda.

  • Las instituciones, asociaciones, colectivos y otros grupos de mujeres en Bélgica sin vasos comunicantes.

Después de un año de trabajo intenso, de exploración del ecosistema de asociaciones, actores, instituciones, alianzas y platicas con mujeres y entre nosotras, hemos construido las bases de Siempre una organización por la visibilidad d elas minorias latinas en Europa.  Con acciones e investigación, sinergia y análisis, vamos dando forma a una organización cuya epigenética muestra nuestro nuestra marcas de pasado colonialista y de mujeres racializadas, que sin vivir el racismo en México ahora tenemos la oportunidad de vivirlo en una sociedad patriarcal como la belga.  Hasta ahora hemos producido proyectos, conversaciones, videos, programa de radio, sistemas de datos, colectas de referencias feministas y no feministas para construir nuevos marcos de referencia y entendimiento.

El ecosistema investigado está formado de « cajitas cerradas » de pequeños feudos, de valores de pertenencia de grupo pero sin vasos comunicantes.  Espacios y territorios pequeños en Bruselas y en Bélgica pero con una atomización de fuerza de las mujeres.  Los recursos se invierten y los manejan las « feministas » blancas con proyectos de coaching empresarial, de networking de élite con la finalidad de negocios.  Las portadoras de proyectos (económicos) son « aleccionadas » y posteriormente « aleccionarán »  para la inversión « al femenino ».   ¿Cuáles opciones para las minorias feministas en una ciudad de gran número de migrantes  y de racismo ? ¿Cuáles discusiones sobre la alta discriminación al empleo y alojamiento que sufren las mujeres extranjeras ? ¿Cuáles tratamientos para casos de violencia a mujeres migrantes?  ¿Cuáles datos reportará el grevio al reporte sobre la Conevción de Estambul si no hay una apertura ni llamado al dialogo con mujeres migrantes? Las formaciones (con estructura y tono) « paternalistas » del matriarcado y patriarcado patriarcal de Bélgica es lo usal.  Para estas problemáticas hay pocas opciones, espacios y generalmente pocos recursos.

  • Los discursos del 25 de Mayo de 2018

Acerca de las preguntas de feminismo de minorias, de las actividades y el activismo del 8 de marzo 2018, tanto Afrofeminas como Femmes Survivantes declararon no haber tenido interes de adherirse a la celebración del dia de la huelga, desde el punto de vista de las feministas « blancas » y de las instituciones Europeas.  Ellas explicaron ampliamente sus puntos de vista, mencionan el sectarismo del feminismo blanco y de la invisibilidad racial, de minorías y de víctimas de violencia belgas y migrantes.

La intervención de Anna Zobnina al final tuvo la ocasión y la estrategia de la recuperación de ideas y de expresar los puntos de vista propios.  Las similitudes con respecto a la pobreza como violencia, el clasismo y la discriminación fueron puntos de coincidencia.  Un punto adicional fue el énfasis al silencio de la discriminación, a la silenciosa forma de tratar  también la violencia a las mujeres.  De su discurso también quisiera recueprar los desacuerdos, para que la conversación y el dialogo pueda tener frutos.  Me gustaría plantear un debate posterior en un punto álgido que nos podría unir, por que como dijimos somos iguales en la violencia y en la muerte pero diferentes en otras cosas.   Me quiero referir con especial atención a las formas de violencia contra las mujeres que entendí en su mensaje de una manera « minorizada ».  Tratar de homegenizar con el mismo peso especifico de trauma, salud, pobreza a todas las victimas de violencia en el ciclo de vida de una mujer me parece erroneo, pero además peligroso.  Especialmente por que la violencia a las mujeres deja enfermedad y pobreza y para su prevención, intervención y erradicación, resulta simplista, reduccionista e inutil homogeneizar y decir que todas hemos vivido ser victimas.  Tal vez es un asunto a aclarar por que el solo hecho de mencionar ello sin tomar en cuenta las evidencias científicas nos mantiene en el terreno de la subjetividad, de las percepciones y de la pasividad ante la epidemia de violencia. Evidencia el « burn out » y no reconocer a las mujeres de victima de violencia doméstica es una ignorancia de salud publica.  Los movimientos feministas requieren de acercarse a las ciencias, es urgente que aorendan, se instruyan y reconozcan la importancia de la salud de las mujeres. Es dificil intentar cubrir las disciplinas de las ciencias sociales, médicas, biológicas, etc. pero es ahi donde las grandes investigadoras y pensadoras han hecho aportes para entender y deconstruir la disparidad entre hombres y mujeres.

A las nuevas corrientes feministas, les es indipensable informarse, aprender y reconocer la antroplogia, la biología humana, la geografía y la historia por citar algunas materias.  Son pues los cruces interdisciplinarios y fuera de los formatos de pensamiento etnocéntricos que las ideas y acciones feministas pueden tener logros.

Es todavia frecuente encontrar la aceptación de las teorias marxistas pero se desconocen las teorias decoloniales, que son indispensables en el entedimiento del neoliberalismo.   Eso por ello que la intervención de Anna Zobnina podría todavía ser criticada rapidamente como un « feminismo de blancas » si además se alcanza a observar una minimización sobre la lucha de las mujeres racializadas y negras. Es decir, una falla de avances y de análisis histórico de las demandas comenzadas en los años 60-70 del siglo XX en los USA.

Opinión y resumen

En la celebración del primer año de Siempre logramos conversaciones importantes con minorias feministas y con redes casi institucionales. Estamos segura que estas conversaciones sin aleccionamiento irrumpen y generan un nuevo hábito, la ganancia es el valor híbrido o heterosis, es decir eliminar las fallas de la consaguinidad de ideas feministas.  En otras palabras permitar la polinización libre, permitir espacios de conversación de nuestras diferencias y similitudes.  Creo que hemos avanzado en nuestra representatividad poco a poco, todavía nuestra propuesta de membresía es muy incipiente.  Lo mas importante es que no tenemos prisa.  Sabemos quenuestro lugar es de una activa propuesta de inclusión de minorias de migrantes en Europa, de proyectos cientificos y de investigación que no son habitualmente esperados de las migrantes en el corazón de Europa, en donde generalemente se viene a limpiar y a ser aleccioanda.  Sin embargo, no cumplimos el requisito anteriormente mencionado.

Ana Valenzuela Zapata, Mayo 26, 2018  Bruselas

Mónica Weissel (FS)

Soy co fundadora del colectivo Femmes Survivantes, formadora en empoderamiento, superviviente de violencias institucionales, violencias machistas.

Hablando del 8M (1 ¿Hubo colaboración con otras organizaciones?)

Nuestro colectivo nace justamente de un repandido sentimiento de falta de representación de las supervivientes. De falta de información durante los procesos de denuncia y por supuesto de total ausencia de acompañamiento en las etapas de reconstrucción.

Al principio, hace ya mas de 3 años, nos encontramos en las redes sociales ; mujeres venidas de diversos lugares y orígenes pero todas con la inquietud de no encontrar ni voz ni voto.

Vimos Nuestra motivación de participación rechazada en actividades cotidianas, y como mujeres con experiencias riquísimas capaces de hacer sus aportes y continuar sus caminos propios en el activismo. Negadas en esta transformación de victimas a agentes de cambio.

Como parte de nuestrs programas de reconstrucción se encuentra la implicación en el cambio de mentalidad, por lo que nos es de vital urgencia reconocer la falta de reconocimiento que obtiene nuestro rol. La falta de inclusión de las supervivientes, en especial de las migrantes.

Como parte de nuestro camino de empoderamiento se encuentra el reconocimiento personal y grupal de nuestros potenciales y conocimientos. Desde la fragilidad de ser victima, nos encontramos en una re educacion en la sororidad, nuestra reconstruccion personal pasa por la colectiva también.

La participacion activa en las soluciones que proponemos es clave en nuestro empoderamiento.

A nosotras que somos madres quienes hemos salvado a nuestros hijos de la violencia machista a través del amor a la vida, Nos han llegado a tachar de venir ‘desde el odio’,  por el hecho de no estar de acuerdo o de mostrarnos firmes en nuestro posicionamiento. de que odio nos hablan ? Lo que se nota claramente es una voluntad a dejarnos de lado, o mejor dicho abajo en la escalera .

De las organizaciones de manifestaciones institucionales No hemos sido convocadas. Por absolutamente nadie. NADIe nos invito ni se preocupo , ni por el colectivo ni por las viticmas ni supervivientes.

Lo cual vuelve a remitrnos al sentimiento de frustracion, la situacion de aislamiento, soledad y paralisis.

Siendo migrantes es muy llamativo que en el momento de buscar ninieras o mucamas sí se piense en nosotras. Y como latinas nos ha llamado la atencion significativamente el uso y apropriacion de nuestros referentes como de las hermanas Mirabal para nombrar a una plataforma que nos ha rechazado particularmente visto que se ha expresado en favor de mantener la violencia conyugal en la esfera privada . Por cierto es una pena porque hay simbolos como marguerite la folle a quien se podria desempolvar un poco.

Pero no es llamativo que se dejen de lado a madame tout le monde ya que las organizaciones de cada uno de los eventos se hace a puertas ceradas. Desde arriba organizando e indicando que hay que hacer y como. Se puede llegar a ser invitada para que cuentes lo que haces, pero no hay ni bilan final ni propuesta de articulacion ; y sobretodo no hay visibilizacion en medios ni en sus propios reseaux.

O sea, que saben como usar nuestros testimonios para su check list, como sucede con afrofeminas y la nota de color, nosotras también hemos decidido que no nos usaran mas como ‘hemos cumplido dejandolas hablar’.

El año pasado fue confirmada mi presencia para el 6M en Lovaina gracias a la presion que ejercio una psycologa de la asociacion organizadora, profesional que se encuentra en burn out desde hace meses, y quien siempre ha reconocido mi labor desde los años en que yo participaba a sus grupos de mujeres victimas, pero como ‘ejemplo ‘ de que se puede salir.

2 Evaluación de su participación del collectif Femmes Survivant en las actividades del 8 M

Hemos estado muy activas alrededor del 8 de marzo, comoparte del débate Al que nos invitaron comme organizar las compañeras de la ong Siempre.

Tambien estuvimos en Liejas en apoyo Al homenaje realizado à la joven Oumou como a todas las victimas de feminicidios en Belgica.

Y ya desde enero con nuestro acercamiento a Maisons medicales presentando nuestro Manual de supervivientes, de como acompañar mujeres víctimas y guía de nuestros derechos.

Hay que tener en cuenta que en Bélgica el 8 de marzo es símbolo de flores y bombones, no se hace relación con los derechos de las mujeres Por lo cual nos pareció importante acercarnos a cada una de las mujeres de nuestros entornos directos. Y si les hablo de que nuestro colectivo esta conformado por al menos 10 mujeres de cada region de Belgica y de Francia les estoy hablando de al menos 10 mujeres mas en el entorno de cada una de nosotras, o sea hablamos de miles de mujeres..

Dentro de la juventud la consciencia social esta ausente, y hablo de jovenes medicas incluidas.

Notamos también un rebrote del amor romántico y la familia perfecta idealizada. Por lo cual hablar del paro del 8M abre dialogos sobre temas tabu. Para nuestro colectivo en si y visto nuestro compromiso en todas las etapas de las denuncias, todos los dias son 8M, incluyendo navidad y vacaciones de verano. Esto debido a un desequilibrio institucional y falta de compromiso social mas que evidentes.

Quisimos agregar el llamado de Ni una menos al orgasmaton, para hablar de deseo, de propuestas, no nos quedamos en criticas y demandas.

Como parte de las denuncias en nuestra ponencia del 6 de marzo en el simposio en Lovaina relacionado a mujeres y violencias, hablamos de la indiferencia hacia nuestros problemas diarios. Como observadora latina he hablado de nuestras propuestas y de la urgencia de una atencion real a victimas y supervivientes.

Sabemos que será un proceso largo pero creemos que para el 25 de noviembre asi como para el 8M proximos nuestra participacion puede tener un alcance mayor, las mujeres toman consciencia y se organizan, sin esperar mas de esas institutiones por quienes han sido abandonadas ellas y sus hijos.

El Colectivo Femmes Survivantes apoya el llamado de NUM al paro 8M, no exclusivamente como paro laboral, sino sobretodo a la propuesta de parar las tareas domésticas como manera de mostrar el vacío en los roles que cumplen las mujeres tanto en ámbitos profesionales como personales.

Nuestro apoyo al paro no es tanto por el paro en sí sino por el diálogo que produce, tema ausente completamente en las redes en las cuales nos manejamos a diario en Bélgica.

Habiendo muchas, demasiadas mujeres en el mundo sin empleos, empleos fijos, nos identificamos y nos parece muy acertada la propuesta del paro doméstico. Asi mismo nos resulta otra oportunidad como rendición de homenaje a mujeres q no estan ( a traves de vestimentas moradas o rosas, llamando la atención a nuestra preocupación diaria) Realizamos acciones como ‘elles ne seront pas là’ en las fiestas.

Ni una menos es un movimiento feminista popular, nace de la calle, y hay tanto abogadas como sindicalistas barriales, mujeres de entre 13 y  80 años. Una generación entera se considera Hijas del Paro.  NUM es un cuestionamiento en si mismo, sobre lo que las instituciones y las organizaciones feministas institucionalizadas proponen . Es un movimiento que se reune cada fin de semana, y cada mes en la calle, siempre de forma voluntaria. Sus manifestaciones no se tratan de corsos pagados con presupuesto nacional.

(3 cómo ven la participación de FS tanto en Bélgica como en Argentina?)

se hizo de dos maneras, la local junto a nuestras compañeras comoya he mencionado y a nivel internacional junto a  compañeras de NUM.

Desde y en la Argentina nuestro colectivo fue invitado como mencioné antes a participar al paro 8M por NUM, también hemos sido entrevistadas por varias periodistas y psciocologas feministas, mencionadas en articulos, recibimos apoyo de las fundadoras y co fundadoras, y estamos siendo invitadas como una extensión de NUM a participar en acciones artísticas y otras.

Aprovechamos que hoy es también un 25 para convocar a todas las mujeres supervivientes, y a todas aquellas quienes quieran unirse, a participar dentro de exactamente 6 meses a nuestra reunion del 25 de noviembre próximo en Bruselas y otras ciudades simultaneamente. Sin logos ni slogans ni partidos, solo nuestra presencia. Habra actividades virtuales y presenciales antes del dia mismo.

Y aprovechamos también para mencionar que nuestro colectivo esta organizando la creacion de programas y la invitacion a asociaciones de juezas en el mundo asi como con la red de psicologxs feministas de Argentina, quienes formn parte de NUM y quienes cuentan con la experiencia necesaria para aportar a un verdadero cambio en la estructura actual europea.


Tener en cuenta ::::::

De nombreux récits de «féministes minoritaires»1 engagées dans les luttes sociales et plus particulièrement dans le combat des femmes soulignent la surdité des «féministes majoritaires» à leurs revendications d’égalité et à leurs conditions sociales marquées par des inégalités de sexe, de race et de classe2. Cette surdité et, pour certaines femmes minoritaires, leur invisibilité physique dans des espaces du féminisme constituent une des formes de violence inhé- rente au processus de domination. Avec le racisme, la prise de conscience et l’analyse des rapports de pouvoir au sein du mouvement des femmes constituent un défi majeur pour créer les alliances politiques nécessaires aux luttes contre les inégalités sociales (hooks, 1986). Ces rapports se révèlent sous de multiples attitudes et comportements et sont à l’origine de tensions, de conflits, voire de ruptures entre organisations et entre militantes, mais aussi de résistances qui encouragent une partie des féministes minoritaires à créer leurs propres collectifs pour mieux répondre à leurs besoins, défendre leur point de vue et penser leur propre voie du féminisme (Ouali, 2011).

L e fé m i n i s m e s ’ e s t fa i t s a n s n o u s , d o n c o n n ’y a p a s n o tr e p l a c e . A u fo n d , e l l e s n e n o u s v o i e n t q u e q u a n d o n v i e n t r e nfo r c e r c e q u ’ e l l e s p e n s e n t d ’ e l l e s – m ê m e s e t q u e l ’ o n v i e n t app uy e r l e u r p r é t e n d u e t h é o ri e à l ’ u n i v e rs a l i t é . L a d e rn i è r e c h o s e q u ’ e l l e s v e u l e n t, c ’ e s t e n t e n d r e q u ’ e l l e s r ep r é s e n t e n t u n c o m m u n a u ta ri s m e c o m m e u n a u tr e . Un m o u v e m e n t q u i s e v e u t u n i v e rs a l i s t e n e n o u s a c c ep t e q u ’ e n r e nfo r t, e n a rm é e c o l o n i a l e , s upp l é tifs i n d i g è n e s . E t c ’ e s t n o tr e s e u l e p l a c e


Debate: mujeres migrantes y feminicidios en Bélgica

Questions debat- Preguntas debate  (Ana Valenzuela, 11.02.2018)

  1. C’est quoi la violence machiste ?Pourqoui le terme violence conjogale?

Qué es la violencia machista que no la violencia conyugal o doméstica ?

  • C’est quoi la convention d’Istambul et comment nous impacte aux femmes migrantes en BELGIQUE et en Europe.

Qué es la convencion de estambul y como impacta sobre las mujeres latinas migrantes en Belgica y Europa.

  • C’est qui qui compte les feminicides en Belgique?

Quién se encarga de contar los feminicidios en Belgica ?

  • Pour quoi tout le monde doit savoir sur la violence machiste en Europe?

Porqué todos debemos saber sobre la violencia machista en Europa ?

  • Pourquoi existe Femmes survivantes?

Por que existe Mujeres supervivientes en Belgica ?

  • Pourquoi existe SIEMPRE?

Por que existe SIEMPRE ?

  • Pourquoi la Belgique ne compte les feminicides? Même la France?

Por qué Belgica no cuenta los feminicidios ? Ni Francia ?

  • Les feministes de l’Amerique Latine sont en contact avec les femmes migrantes latines par rapport au sujet de la violence contre les femmes?

Las feministas de AL estan en contacto con las mujeres migrantes latinas con respecto a conversaciones sobre el tema de violencia machista contra las mujeres ?

  • Pourquoi est important avoir regards croisés entre femmes latinas de l’Europe (Migrantes) et femmes dans l’AL dans le domaine de violence machiste ?

Porqué es importante tener miradas cruzadas entre mujeres latinas en Europa y feministas en AL en el tema de violencia machista ?


Dra. Guadalupe Ramos Ponce, Especialista en Políticas de Género, Profesora de la Universidad de Guadalajara.

Lic. Aída Patiño Candidata en Doctorado por la Universidad de Ámberes. Bélgica

Lic. Cecilia Palmeiro. Activista y fundadora de Ni Una Menos, Argentina.

Asist. Soc. Laila Ghozzi. Activista y Co-fundadora de Collectif Femmes Survivantes, Bélgica

Mónica Weissel.  Formadora y fundadora del Collectif Femmes Survivantes, Bélgica.

Dra. Ana Valenzuela Zapata. Co-fundadora Siempre y Moderadora.

Thamara Cruz, Fundadora Siempre.

Colaboraciones y testimonios de Kenny (X), Silvia Abalos, Patricia Bol, Valérie Vermuelen y Kristien Pottie.

1er. Debate organizado por Siempre – Collectif Femmes Survivantes

La convención de Estambul convenio ratificado por Bélgica en 2011 y lo que debe saber una migrante respecto a este convenio, cómo le afecta y cuáles son los artículos que corresponden a migración y participación ciudadana.

Science Integrity Empowerment Movement Renewable Educational Projects

SiEMPRE es el acrónimo dónde encontramos a las mujeres Latinas participando actualmente en cada uno de estos temas, con su trabajo, en el estudio, la investigación, en otras disciplinas y en la ciencia, pareciera que no están, no se ven, nadie las nombra.

En Bélgica la comunidad latina radica desde los años 60´s y 80`s con diferentes diásporas provenientes tanto de sudamericana como de los países andinos y que se instalan en Bélgica, hoy son ya tres generaciones. En Europa cuando se refiere a “lo latino”  se entiende automáticamente a las actividades culturales de verano, los festivales: musicales, culturales, gastronómicos y “latinas” alegres, serviciales y laborando en el cuidado de familiares, niños, ancianos o como amas de casa.

La Convención de Estambul es como la carta de los Derechos Humanos, el “ideario” dedicado a erradicar, prevenir y eliminar la violencia contra las mujeres y que todas y todos deberíamos conocer, sólo muy pocos lo conocen y por lo tanto poco se ejerce.

Sus objetivos son:
1.proteger a las mujeres contra todas las formas de violencia, y prevenir, perseguir y eliminar la violencia contra las mujeres y la violencia doméstica; 2. contribuir a eliminar toda forma de discriminación contra las mujeres y promover la igualdad real entre mujeres y hombres, incluida mediante la autonomía de las mujeres; 3. concebir un marco global, políticas y medidas de protección y asistencia a todas las víctimas de violencia contra las mujeres y la violencia doméstica; 4. promover la cooperación internacional para eliminar la violencia contra las mujeres y la violencia doméstica; 5. apoyar y ayudar a las organizaciones y las fuerzas y cuerpos de seguridad para cooperar de manera eficaz para adoptar un enfoque integrado con vistas a eliminar la violencia contra las mujeres y la violencia doméstica.

En el contexto de mujeres migrantes latinas sería posible si conocieran el idioma, si al denunciar fueran tratadas con la urgencia de una situación de peligro y contaran con la estadía legal. La realidad es otra, porque la gran mayoría padece aislamiento, discriminación y depende de su pareja. El primero núcleo de acogida es la familia de su conyúgue y la población en dónde se ubiquen el idioma para aprender. Es justamente ahí, en el núcleo familiar dónde se encuentra el primer acto violencia, después la indiferencia a sus problemas, el desconocimiento a dónde y con quién acudir, así como la poca participación de las instituciones dedicadas a la violencia doméstica y conyugal para acompañar a las víctimas desde ir a levantar una denuncia, encontrar un refugio, acudir a médicos legistas, el desconocimiento de psicólogos y asistentes sociales interculturales y por si fuera poco el desconocimiento de derechos y obligaciones de la Convención por una parte de autoridades, abogados, insituciones y de casi todos los que intervienen y por el otro lado también de la víctima. Además de no poder hablar lo suficientemente bien uno de los idiomas para poder detallar los sucesos de una agresión o de una injusticia, y el seguimiento de las denuncias.

Quiero citar lo siguiente que a materia de Migración lo que se refiere en el Convenio:

Capítulo VII: Migración y asilo. Artículo 59. 1.Las Partes adoptarán las medidas legislativas o de otro tipo necesarias para garantizar que se conceda a las víctimas, cuyo estatuto de residente dependa del de su cónyuge o de su pareja de hecho, de conformidad con su derecho interno, previa petición, un permiso de residencia autónomo, en el caso de disolución del matrimonio o de la relación, en situaciones particularmente difíciles, con independencia de la duración del matrimonio o de la relación. Las condiciones relativas a la concesión y a la duración del permiso de residencia autónomo se establecerán de conformidad con el derecho interno. 
2 Las Partes adoptarán las medidas legislativas o de otro tipo necesarias para que las víctimas puedan obtener la suspensión de los procedimientos de expulsión iniciados por causa de que su estatuto de residente dependa del de su cónyuge o de su pareja de hecho, de conformidad con su derecho interno, con el fin de permitirles solicitar un permiso de residencia autónomo. 

3  Las Partes expedirán un permiso de residencia renovable a las víctimas, en al menos una de las situaciones siguientes: a  cuando la autoridad competente considere que su estancia es necesaria con respecto a su situación personal;
b  cuando la autoridad competente considere que su estancia es necesaria a los fines de cooperación con las autoridades competentes en el marco de una investigación o de procedimientos penales. 

4  Las Partes adoptarán las medidas legislativas o de otro tipo necesarias para que las víctimas de matrimonios forzosos llevadas a otro país a fines de celebración de dichos matrimonios, y que pierdan, en consecuencia su estatuto de residente en el país en que residan habitualmente, puedan recuperar este estatuto. 

Quiero mencionar que ser mujer y ser migrante sucede en diferentes fueros y realidades no obstante las disputas son simultáneas, porque por un lado una migrante latina víctima de violencia debe defenderse de la agresión continua en el núcleo familiar duante bastante tiempo antes, durante y después de un juicio, las amenazas legales en el caso de tener hijos y rápidamente cerrar el caso, el costo de abogados y la discriminación de ser extranjera, no es una alternativa poder regresar al país del cual proviene con sus hijos, por otra parte ser migrante latina significa que no proviene de otro país de la misma Unión Europea, tampoco de otro que no pertenezca pero se encuentre en Europa, o de una excolonia como la Rep.Democrática del Congo o de una diáspora numerosa procedente del Norte de África: como la marroquí o de Turquía.

Se leen y discuten sobre las vícitmas de feminicidios en Bélgica, muy poco se habla, recientemente acaecida una latina, una Aficana y Belgas, son 9 en total de Enero a Marzo 2018. Estamos reuniendo testimonios y en colaboración con otros colectivos como el de Femmes Survivantes, Asistentes Sociales, Abogadas y otras y otros especialistas trabajamos de manera colectiva e intersectorial e interdisciplinaria para revisar y dar nuestro informe al GREVIO en el cuál podremos dar nuestro testimonio y participar como sociedad civil organizada.

Refiero: Capítulo II – Políticas integradas y recogida de datos.
Artículo 9 – Organizaciones no gubernamentales y sociedad civil.Las Partes reconocerán, fomentarán y apoyarán, a todos los niveles, el trabajo de las organizaciones no gubernamentales pertinentes y de la sociedad civil que sean activas en la lucha contra la violencia contra las mujeres y establecerán una cooperación efectiva con dichas organizaciones

Siempre tiene por objetivos el generar redes, conectar y encausar la innovación tecnológica, investigación social para recolectar datos, concebir software y producir aplicaciones que decten y prevengan la violencia, identificar la ausencia  y la vinculación entre los actores que permitan llevar este Convenio a la práctica inmediata en la sociedad. Nuestra participación como sociedad es fundamental tanto en nuestros países de orígen como en los de residencia, es necesario sensibilizar y dar a conocer estos convenios en donde estan haciendo falta. Apoyemos las iniciativas, si hay una candidata indígena acercarse a escuchar a conocer sus propuestas para ir mejorando el discurso y sus alcances, entender las posibilidades para avanzar. Quedan todas y todos invitados a participar con su conocimiento y con la visión de crear proyectos, nosotras nos sumamos para encontrar aliadas y que se lleve a la práctica, necesitamos hacer voz y sumarnos en la perspectiva desde otras miradas.

Discurso de apertura Debate 10-03-2018

Thamara Cruz